How India squanders British 援助（する）
At the Rolls-Royce showroom, behind 課すing アイロンをかける gates off dusty Ashoka Road, the 長，指導者 salesman is pleased with his 最新の sale of a £600,000 Phantom to a 億万長者 Delhi 実業家.
Thirty-five Phantoms, the biggest and most expensive Rolls-Royce, have been bought in India already in 2011. By the end of the year, another 35 will be sold to Indian 大君s and Bollywood film 星／主役にするs.
‘There’s always someone here with enough cash to buy a Rolls-Royce, even though the 輸入する 税金 （テニスなどの）ダブルス the price,’ the sharp-ふさわしい salesman says with pride.
Wealth: Thirty-five Rolls-Royce Phantoms have been bought in India already in 2011
Ferrari, Aston ツバメ and Land Rover have each opened up showrooms here. On sale too is the king of supercars, the Bugatti Veyron, with an 注目する，もくろむ-watering price tag of almost three million 続けざまに猛撃するs.
The country is racing up the league of rich nations. Indeed, its 急に上がるing economy will はるかに引き離す the UK’s by 2022. によれば 財政上の 助言者s Merrill Lynch, India has 153,000 dollar-millionaires ― a 20 per cent rise in a year, compared with Britain’s own paltry 増加する of いっそう少なく than 1 per cent.
Indians have squirrelled away more money in スイスの bank accounts (a total of £900?billion since independence from Britain in 1947) than the 残り／休憩（する） of the world 連合させるd.
And when they were 招待するd recently by the Indian 政府 to 交流 for paper money the gold 妨げる／法廷，弁護士業s and jewellery stashed in their homes (so pumping cash into the 国家の economy), a horde of £160?billion was 申し込む／申し出d up.
Such is the 経済大国 of India that it
now gives out more foreign 援助（する） than it receives, and has 手渡すd over £3.5?billion to 固く結び付ける relations with 貧窮化した Africa.
一方／合間, it 投資するs 抱擁する sums in ambitious 事業／計画（する）s: £2?billion will put the first Indian 宇宙飛行士s into space by 2016, and the 年次の defence 予算 最高の，を越すs £22?billion, with a third 航空機 運送／保菌者 now under construction in an Indian shipyard.
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Perhaps the perfect example of the garish spending of India’s newly-rich is the £2?billion, 27-storey 超高層ビル in Mumbai built by a 地元の industrialist as a home for his wife and three children. It is the most expensive house anywhere in the world.
But if this is a nation with enormous reserves of wealth, it is also blighted by 普及した and endemic 汚職 at every level of society.
An 公式の／役人 報告（する）／憶測 has 明らかにする／漏らすd that 90 per cent of 政府 公式の／役人s have 受託するd a 賄賂 for favours, from ripping up a スピード違反 罰金 to rubber-stamping a building 取引，協定. 汚職, as the Indian 首相 自白するd the other day, is as much a 国家の sport as cricket.
No wonder that in broke Britain questions are at last 存在 asked about why we are 手渡すing billions to India in 援助（する）. A new 報告（する）／憶測 from an 独立した・無所属 監視者 says that the 早い 拡大 of the UK’s 援助（する） programme has left taxpayers’ money at 危険 from 汚職 and 詐欺 overseas.
The Ind
ependent （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 for 援助（する） 衝撃 (ICAI) this week criticised the work of the British 政府 department that 施し物s out the money as ‘fragmented’ and in need of ‘重要な 改良’ to stop millions 存在 squandered.
It also 需要・要求するd anti-汚職 対策 to 保護する 基金s sent to countries ― such as India ― where there is a high 危険 of 詐欺.
International 開発 長官 Andrew Mitchell has committed Britain to spending £29billion in 援助（する） between 2012 and 2015
They are 関心ing findings, given that David Cameron has decided to give India £1.4?billion between now and 2015. The sum is almost 1 per cent of Britain’s own £159?billion 負債s.
So do we need to re-think our 援助（する） profligacy, 特に in light of the shockingly grim 経済的な 予測（する） 発表するd by （ドイツなどの）首相／（大学の）学長 George Osborne this week? にもかかわらず the fact that Osborne has 延長するd his 緊縮 programme in Britain ― which 含むs 削減（する）s to 福利事業 支払い（額）s and 住宅 利益s ― beyond the next 選挙, David Cameron doesn’t seem to think so.
The 政府 is trimming just £1.164?billion off the 援助（する） 予算 over the next three years, meaning we are still committed to spending more than £29?billion on overseas 援助（する） between next April and April 2015.
Earlier this week the 政府 発表するd that £330?million of taxpayers cash will be 注ぐd into Africa to help them with 気候 change, 基金ing solar パネル盤s and 投資 in low-炭素 輸送（する）. A few months ago, he made a speech during a 貿易（する） visit to Africa admitting that foreign 援助（する） has been ‘wasted’, but that it was still imperative for us to 爆撃する out more.
But does India really need our 基金s, and, perhaps more pertinently, what’s happening to it when it gets there?
During my 調査s in India, I discovered that much of our money is frittered away or stolen.
Rajiv Gandhi, India’s former 首相, 概算の a few years ago that only 15 per cent of 基金s given to the country’s 福利事業 計画／陰謀s, whether 財政／金融d by foreign or Indian 援助（する）, reach the poor people they are meant to help.
His 見解（をとる）s were 是認するd by Barun Mitra, director of a Delhi-based think-戦車／タンク, the Liberty 学校／設ける, who told me: ‘I am surprised that Department For International 開発 [DFID] 公式の／役人s work so hard to continue their presence in India. Is it really to help some of the poorest Indians, or is it to 正当化する their own 存在?
‘Apart from wastage, which is hardly a surprise in India, there seems to be little 成果／努力 to 査定する／（税金などを）課す how the money is spent.’
A growing group of ‘援助（する）-sceptics’ go much その上の. One 主要な 経済学者 and 専門家 on the 第三世界, Zambian-born Dambisa Moyo, says that 援助（する） has made
the poor poorer. ‘援助（する） has been, and continues to be, an unmitigated political, 経済的な and 人道的な 災害 for most parts of the developing world,’ she 警告するs.
So are we helping at all? I spoke to 政治家，政治屋s, 公式の／役人s, teachers, doctors and parents in four 地域s of India where the British 政府’s DFID runs education and health programmes.
The very first 最初の／主要な school I went to ― opened this summer in Bhopal, the 資本／首都 of Madhya Pradesh 明言する／公表する in central India ― was half empty of pupils.
The 政府 最初の／主要な school in Rahul Nagar slum in Bhopal, 基金d by British 援助（する） money. It has no desks or 議長，司会を務めるs
It had not one desk or 議長，司会を務める because they had never been 配達するd and are 推定するd stolen from the factory where they were made or from the lorries taking them to school.
The children sat on the 固める／コンクリート 床に打ち倒す, which was riddled with 穴を開けるs because the 建設業者s had put too much sand into the 固める／コンクリート mix so they could, I was told, sell off the spare 固める／コンクリート.
公式の／役人s 収容する／認める that £70?million of the £388?million given by Britain に向かって a 国家の 旗艦 education programme called Sarva Shiksha Abbiyan (‘education for all’), which 約束s 解放する／自由な classes for ever
y child from the age of six to 14, has been squandered though 普及した 汚職 and 窃盗.
基準s of 令状ing, reading and arithmetic are 負かす／撃墜する since the education programme began. Half of ten-year-olds cannot read a 宣告，判決, and only a third can 成し遂げる a simple sum. 一方／合間, teachers in a ４半期/4分の1 of 最初の／主要な schools are routinely absent because they take part-time 職業s outside school to 補償する for low 支払う／賃金.
In another スキャンダル, India’s auditor-general discovered £14 million of DFID 援助（する） had 簡単に been snaffled by Indian 公式の／役人s and never reached schools.
Education 長，指導者s used the money to buy themselves cars. An 概算の 8,000 colour TVs bought for schools never arrived. In any 事例／患者, many would never have worked because few of the classrooms have electricity. What’s more, tens of thousands of 続けざまに猛撃するs were ‘配分するd’ to schools that don’t even 存在する.
As a result, even poor parents scrimp to send their children to 私的な schools to escape the 政府-run ones which receive British 援助（する）. A 最近の 報告（する）／憶測 by Indian 副／悪徳行為-大統領，／社長 Shri Hamid Ansari 明らかにする／漏らすd that British taxpayers’ money spent on education has been wasted. ‘の近くに scrutiny 明らかにする／漏らすs a sobering truth, that this large 投資 has been spent 貧しく,’ he said bluntly.
Certainly, many Indians I met scoffed at DFID’s 誇る that: ‘Because a third of the world’s poor people live in India, this has been our largest programme for more than a １０年間. It is our bold ambition to give every mother the healthcare she needs to give birth in safety and raise a healthy child who has a chance to learn
.’
In a country with such 深い-rooted poverty (にもかかわらず the inexorable rise of the rich) that is a mountain to climb.
Indian cities are riddled with slums and there are 500 in Bhopal alone. Thousands of families ― even those from the middle classes ― live in squalor. 汚水 runs 負かす／撃墜する the muddy streets lined with shacks made of corrugated アイロンをかける with no 前線 doors.
It was in one such slum ― Rahul Nagar ― that I 設立する the new 最初の／主要な school with no furniture. On the 塀で囲むs were posters of the English alphabet and nursery rhymes. On a Tuesday morning, only 170 of the children on the roll of 350 turned up. In the class for eight and nine-year-olds there were 21 children instead of the 推定する／予想するd 70.
The headmistress Ratnaprabha Verma says she is not surprised because the pupils have nowhere to sit, apart from the 床に打ち倒す, and their parents 反対する to this.?
急ぐ: Schoolchildren in Bhopal (pictured) enrol in schools for 解放する／自由な uniforms and meals
‘At five or six, the children enrol in a big 急ぐ. The parents know we give out 解放する／自由な uniforms, 調書をとる／予約するs and pencils. But within days they begin to 減少（する） out, one by one. Some 簡単に come for the 解放する／自由な midday meal and leave before classes start again. There are no 洗面所s here. Even w
ith the 援助（する） money, no one thought to build them.’
All this begs the question: why does DFID 主張する that our money gives millions of Indian children 解放する／自由な schooling and their families a better life?? As 青年 労働者 Sen Vijay, 27, said with a 関心d look as we travelled to the Bhopal school: ‘We think your 政府 is playing a game with 統計（学）. It means they can 誇る they are helping India. But it is a 嘘（をつく）.’
His words are echoed by one of India’s most 尊敬（する）・点d academics, Delhi University’s former dean of education. Professor Anil Sadgopal told me: ‘I don’t know what the British mean when they say their 解放する／自由な school 事業／計画（する） is ‘証明するing very 効果的な and making remarkable 進歩.?
‘I think the British people should be asking their 政府 why it is 基金ing such bad-value 事業／計画（する）s out of your public exchequer.’
His question is 平等に pertinent when it comes to Indian maternity services, which have received £60?million in British 援助（する）.
At the first maternity clinic I visited, an operating theatre with thousands of 続けざまに猛撃するs of 器具／備品 was 集会 dust because a 外科医, anaethetist and theatre nurse cannot be 雇うd as there is no money to 支払う／賃金 them.
A rare oversight? Not at all, Sudhir Pattnaik, an editor and political commentator in the 貧窮化した north-eastern 明言する／公表する of Orissa, has 明らかにする／漏らすd: ‘In the health 部門, the British 政府 供給するs 組織／基盤／下部構造 which is 未使用の. So what is the point of putting the money in? When somebody comes with a big mo
ney 捕らえる、獲得する and says: “I will support this,” the 明言する／公表する 政府 here will say yes. But there is no practical 計画（する）.’
He 追加するd: ‘At one city hospital, the 医療の officer took me to an 集中的な care 部隊. Inside, there were six beds and life support 部隊s but no 患者s. The 器具／備品 was bought with your 援助（する） money, but there was no 動員可能数 to operate the machines. This is happening in all other areas, too.’
支援する in the Madhya Pradesh 地域, thousands has been spent on giving 妊娠している women cash incentives to 説得する them to travel, often miles, to a clinic to give birth. But what do they find when they get there?
The 地域’s health officer, Raj Gopal Nair, told me that women often give birth by candlelight because there is no electricity. Many of the clinics’ doctors have やめる because of poor 支払う／賃金.
I visited a small maternity clinic in busy Bhopal. It has five beds, although it caters for 250,000 people. The operating theatre on the first 床に打ち倒す has a new anaesthesia machine which is still in its plastic cover, the 指示／教授／教育s in an unopened 手動式の. The theatre bed is 未使用の. Not one child has been 配達するd here since it was opened a few years ago.
‘We do not have the money to 支払う／賃金 for 医療の staff to 成し遂げる an 操作／手術, such as an 緊急 Caesarean in the operating theatre. We can only を取り引きする the uncomplicated births at our clinic,’ says Dr Rajasree Bajaj, the 医療の director, bluntly. ‘The expensive 器具／備品 bought with your 援助（する） money has been wasted.’
The n she 追加するs, with sadness: ‘非，不，無 of your 政府 people has been to see what is happening here. You are the only British person to come and ask where your country’s money has gone.’
