保守的なs want to bypass usual way to 修正する 憲法
NEW YORK (AP) - Whatever success 共和国の／共和党のs have amassed in taking 支配（する）／統制する of all three 支店s of U.S. 政府, and whatever 運命／宿命 を待つs them as midterm 選挙s 近づく, some on the 権利 are working to 固く結び付ける change by 修正するing the 憲法. And to the 開始するing alarm of others on all parts of the spectrum, they want to bypass the usual 過程.
They're 押し進めるing for an 前例のない 憲法の 条約 of the 明言する／公表するs. While 対抗者s are afraid of what such a 条約 would do, 支持者s say it is the only way to を取り引きする the 連邦の 政府's overreach and ineptitude.
"They literally see this as the 生き残り of the nation," said Karla Jones, director of the federalism 仕事 軍隊 at the 保守的な American 法律を制定する 交流 会議, which 代表するs 明言する／公表する 国会議員s and 申し込む／申し出s 指導／手引 and model 法律制定 for 明言する／公表するs to call a 条約 under the 憲法's Article V.
の中で the most frequently 特記する／引用するd changes 存在 sought: 改正s 施行するing a balanced 連邦の 予算, 設立するing 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 限界s for members of 議会, and 廃止するing the 17th 改正, which put the 力／強力にする of electing the 上院 in the 手渡すs of the public instead of 明言する／公表する 立法機関s.
For the past 229 years, 憲法の 改正s have 起こる／始まるd in 議会, where they need the support of two-thirds of both houses, and then the 是認 of at least three-４半期/4分の1s of the 明言する／公表するs.
But under a never-used second prong of Article V, 改正s can 起こる／始まる in the 明言する／公表するs. Two-thirds of 明言する／公表するs - 現在／一般に, 34 - must call for a 条約 at which three-fourths of 明言する／公表するs 認可する of a change.
This photo made 利用できる by the U.S. 国家の 古記録s shows a 部分 of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs 憲法 with the 肩書を与える of Article V. For the past two centuries, 憲法の 改正s have 起こる／始まるd in 議会, where they need the support of two-thirds of both houses, and then the 是認 of at least three-４半期/4分の1s of the 明言する／公表するs. But under a never-used second prong of Article V, 改正s can 起こる／始まる in the 明言する／公表するs. (国家の 古記録s 経由で AP)
The particulars of such a 条約, though, are not laid out. Do the 明言する／公表するs have to call for a 条約 on the same topic? Must they pass 決意／決議s with 類似の or 同一の 言い回し? The U.S. 最高裁判所 may have to decide whether the threshold of 明言する／公表するs has been reached and, 最終的に, the parameters of a 条約 and the 支配するs 委任する／代表s would be 治める／統治するd by.
A 法案 introduced in the U.S. House last year would direct the 国家の 古記録s to 収集する all 使用／適用s for an Article V 条約.
Some believe enough 明言する／公表するs have already passed Article V 決意／決議s, pointing to 投票（する）s over the years across the country on a variety of 可能性のある 改正 topics. Others 競う the highest possible 現在の count of 明言する／公表するs is 28 - the number of 明言する／公表するs with 存在するing 決意／決議s on the most ありふれた 条約 topic, a balanced 予算 改正. Others point to lower total counts based on 明言する／公表するs that have passed 近づく-同一の 決意／決議s.
Regardless, proponents of a 条約 believe they have 勢い on their 味方する more than any other time in American history.
"That second 条項 of Artic le V was 特に ーするつもりであるd for a time like this, when the 連邦の 政府 gets out of 支配（する）／統制する and when the 議会 won't 配達する to the people what they want," said 示す Meckler, a tea party leader who now 長，率いるs 国民s for Self-Governance, which runs the 条約 of 明言する／公表するs 事業／計画（する） calling for an Article V 条約. 法律制定 促進するd by the group calls for a 条約 焦点（を合わせる）d on the 連邦の 政府's 予算 and 力／強力にする, and 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 限界s for office 支えるもの／所有者s. It has passed 12 明言する／公表するs and one 法律を制定する 議会 in another 10.
The 条約 of 明言する／公表するs 事業／計画（する） says 18 other 明言する／公表するs are considering the 手段.
Meckler, like other 支援者s of a 条約, believes there's no 推論する／理由 why it can't be 限られた／立憲的な in 範囲. Others aren't so sure. Four 明言する／公表するs that 以前 had passed 決意／決議s calling for a 条約 have 無効にするd them in 最近の years, often 特記する／引用するing wariness over a "runaway" 条約.
Karen Hobert Flynn, 大統領，／社長 of ありふれた 原因（となる）, has sounded alarms on a possible 条約 and portrays the coast-to-coast 出現 of 決意／決議s on the 問題／発行する "a game of Whack-a-Mole."
"This is the most dangerous idea in American politics that most people know nothing about," she said.
Nancy MacLean, a Duke University historian and author of "僕主主義 in Chains: The 深い History of the 過激な 権利's Stealth 計画（する） for America," 見解（をとる）s the prospect of an Article V 条約 with 恐れる - the next 一時期／支部 of １０年間s of work on the far 権利 transforming the 連邦の 司法の and supporting 事例／患者s that go on to make 幅の広い 憲法の points, all while 抑えるing 投票（する）s and gerrymandering 地区s.
"The ultimate 事業／計画（する）," MacLean said of 保守的なs, "is to transform our 最初の／主要な 支配するs 調書をとる／予約する, which is the 憲法."
There are proponents of an Article V 条約 on the left who see it as a possible way to overturn the 国民s 部隊d （選挙などの）運動をする 財政／金融 決定／判定勝ち（する）, pass the Equal 権利s 改正 and さもなければ 演説（する）／住所 what they see as a stacked deck that has he lped the GOP get an 不公平な advantage. But with more red 明言する／公表するs than blue ones, it seems an ありそうもない path to 廃止するing the 選挙（人）の College, reengineering apportionment of the 上院 or さもなければ 工夫するing a 僕主主義 they believe is more reflective of the American public's 見解（をとる）s.
In that 見解（をとる）, it's baffling to some 観察者／傍聴者s that 保守的なs are the ones 押し進めるing a 条約.
"I don't know what 正確に／まさに they're unhappy with. When I look at the 現在の politics, it seems to me things for them are going really 井戸／弁護士席," said 憲法の 法律 professor Michael Klarman of Harvard University. "They're already getting what they want from the 最高裁判所. Gerrymandering is 罰金. 制限のない money in politics is 罰金. The 選挙（人）の College is 承認する. 投票者 粛清するs, photo ID 法律s are 承認する. So I don't know 正確に／まさに what they're looking for."
Meckler 認めるs the loudest 発言する／表明するs calling for a 条約 are 保守的な. ("You look at our website, it's all 権利-wingers," he says.) But he sees that as a reflection of a 保守的な culture in which the 憲法 is more frequently discussed, not a reflection of the politics of it.
It's not the first time a 条約 has been 提案するd.
In the 1890s, when the 上院 辞退するd to （問題を）取り上げる the 問題／発行する of direct 選挙 of 上院議員s, 明言する／公表するs 追求するd a 条約, 落ちるing just short. 結局, the 17th 改正 passed in the usual way, 実行するing that 目的（とする）. In the 1960s, 明言する／公表するs sought a 条約 over a 最高裁判所 決定／判定勝ち（する） dictating how 法律を制定する 地区s were apportioned.
But 条約 対抗者s have always 恐れるd that once one has been 開始する，打ち上げるd, it could 涙／ほころび up the 憲法s in all sorts of ways.
What's to stop a 条約 from passing an abhorrent affront to the 創立者s, like an 完全な 禁止（する） on イスラム教徒s, Klarman asks. He points to a 2009 スイスの 国民投票 that resulted in 無法者ing the construction of minarets, the towers 設立する beside イスラム教寺院s.
"It's a dangerous 大勝する and an 予測できない one," said Laurence Trib e, another Harvard University 憲法の 法律 専門家.
Jones said such 恐れるs are "misguided" and that "so many stopgaps" would 妨げる a "runaway" 条約.
"That 示唆するs a 失敗 of 会・原則s that is so 大規模な that the last thing we need to worry about is a 憲法の 改正," she said. "That would 示唆する that 議会 failed in its 義務 to say, 'Look, you dealt with an 問題／発行する that is not 含む／封じ込めるd in the 決意／決議.' That would 要求する the 司法の to also not step in. It would 要求する a 失敗 of all of our democratic 会・原則s and it would 要求する a 失敗 of the American people not to rise up."
Still, several 明言する／公表するs have 無効にするd previous calls for a 条約 as 国会議員s grew fearful of what it could bring.
Over the years, Nevada 国会議員s have made さまざまな calls for a 条約 to consider a 禁止（する） on abortion, to 禁じる racial 統合，差別撤廃 of schools and to 廃止する the 17th 改正.
But when Democratic 明言する／公表する Sen. Tick Segerblom saw how の近くに 支持するs were to hitting the 34-明言する／公表する 示す, he realized the idea was no longer far-fetched and that it would be safer to 支援する off its Article V 投票（する）s rather than take the chance of a runaway 条約. So last year, he sponsored a 決意／決議 to do just that.
The goals of 条約 支援者s "are not the Democratic Party's goals or even the 共和国の／共和党の Party's goals," he said. "It's some fringe groups."
In fact, while some 保守的なs have 発言する／表明するd the greatest support for a 条約, others 堅固に …に反対する it.
At an October 審理，公聴会 in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, Kim Stolfer of the gun 権利s group 小火器 Owners Against 罪，犯罪 told 国会議員s that the 押し進める for a 条約 "脅すs the dickens out of me." Andy Schafly of the 保守的な Pennsylvania Eagle 会議 called a 条約 "a Pandora's box."
A 共和国の／共和党の who sponsored an Article V 決意／決議 and supports it so passionately that she calls it "my baby," Arizona 明言する／公表する Rep. Kelly Townsend once 株d those 疑惑s.
Now, though, she believes it could both put the country on the 権利 path and 部隊 the parties. She thinks an 改正 on 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 限界s could bring 民主党員s and 共和国の／共和党のs together. That, in turn, could lead to another 改正 that 合併するs 問題／発行するs of …に反対するing 味方するs - perhaps, say, overturning of 国民s 部隊d to 控訴，上告 to 自由主義のs while 委任統治（領）ing a balanced 予算 to bring in 保守的なs.
"This isn't red vs. blue," she said, "this is about 明言する／公表するs' 権利s and an overspending, overbearing 連邦の 政府 that is out of 支配（する）／統制する."
Harvard's Tribe 拒絶するs that as naive.
"The idea that we could have a kumbaya moment in which a 条約 would produce a stable 共和国 with some 尊敬（する）・点 for the 支配する of 法律," he said, "seems like a fantasy."
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Sedensky can be reached at msedensky@ap.org or https://twitter.com/sedensky
This photo made 利用できる by the U.S. 国家の 古記録s shows a 部分 of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs 憲法 with Articles V-VII. For the past two centuries, 憲法の 改正s have 起こる／始まるd in 議会, where they need the support of two-thirds of both houses, and then the 是認 of at least three-４半期/4分の1s of the 明言する／公表するs. But under a never-used second prong of Article V, 改正s can or iginate in the 明言する／公表するs. (国家の 古記録s 経由で AP)
