How 'Tory Tony' finally let the mask slip...

One of the attractions of New 労働 was that it did not appear to be driven by class 憎悪. Old 労働 seemed to be obsessed with class. It's wilder members 支持するd the 廃止 of the 君主国 and the House of Lords, and preached the 長所s of 刑罰の 課税.

Tony Blair, the 個人として educated, middle-class lawyer, sang an excitingly different tune. He 納得させるd many middle-class people that he was one of them. He seemed a closet Tory in more civilised 着せる／賦与するs who could be 信用d not to attack the bourgeois order.

He 約束d no 増加するs in 所得税. Again and again he has borrowed Tory 政策s, as though to を強調する his 信任状 as a 政治家，政治屋 of the centre who leans to the 権利 as much as he does to the Left.

But while this 恐らく undercover Tory has been 努力する／競うing to 控訴，上告 to Middle Britain, the party he leads has often been driven by class politics, which old 労働 脅すd but did not really 配達する. The most 最近の example is the anti-追跡（する）ing 法案, passed last week, which was never explicable 単に on the grounds of animal 福利事業.

Now a junior 大臣 has let the cat out of the 捕らえる、獲得する. Peter Bradley, the 議会の 私的な 長官 to Alun Michael, the 田舎の 事件／事情／状勢s 大臣, has told the truth: "We ought at last to own up to it," he says.

"The struggle over the [anti-追跡（する）ing] 法案 was not just about animal 福利事業 and personal freedom. It was class war." In an interview with the Sunday Telegraph, Mr Bradley goes on to argue that the 問題／発行する over 追跡（する）ing is "最終的に about who 治める／統治するs Britain".

So there we have it. Mr Bradley has 確認するd what many of us had 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑うd but could not 証明する. In 投票（する）ing to 廃止する 追跡（する）ing, New 労働 was 大部分は 動機づけるd by old-fashioned class 憎悪. It would not 受託する that many people who 追跡（する） are not toffs in the remotest sense of the word.

For the denizens of New 労働 those who ride to hounds are by 鮮明度／定義 特権d. On the surface Tony Blair has risen above the old class politics. Occasionally he sounds 過激な, as when he inveighed against "the 軍隊s of 保守主義", but his political success has depended on 説得するing the 比較して 繁栄する middle-classes and those who aspire to 繁栄 that he is essentially on their 味方する.

He is so keen to 強固にする／合併する／制圧する his own 私的な wealth that he has almost given capitalism a bad 指名する.

Yet even while Mr Blair strikes his inclusive 態度, New 労働 has 陳列する，発揮するd its class animus in ways that give the 嘘（をつく） to the idea that he is really a Tory by other means. Its jihad against 追跡（する）ing is only one example.

The 廃止 of the 権利 of hereditary peers to sit in the House of Lords was also driven by a visceral class 憎悪. If New 労働 had come up with a 満足な 代案／選択肢, one could have 尊敬（する）・点d its 願望（する） to 改革（する） an anachronistic 会・原則. But its wanton 破壊 of the old system without any 計画（する） to 取って代わる it with a better one was a self-明らかにする／漏らすing 行為／法令／行動する of vandalism.

For all its class rhetoric, old 労働 did not destroy the House of Lords or 禁止（する） fox-追跡（する）ing. Nor did it 捜し出す to 干渉する in the 選択 過程s of our best universities. New 労働, by contrast, has 始める，決める 的s, and even recently 任命するd a special regulator, whose 商売／仕事 it is to try to いじめ（る） Oxford or Cambridge and other 主要な universities into 受託するing clever students whom the 明言する／公表する system has failed at the expense of better 成し遂げるing pupils who have had the misfortune to be 個人として educated.

Last week's attack on Prince Charles by Charles Clarke, the Education 長官, was another 発覚. The Prince may have 表明するd himself 不正に when he argued in a 私的な 覚え書き that people should know their 制限s, though the activities of the Prince's 信用, which last year helped nearly 40,000 young people, 示唆するs that he is doing more than most - 含むing Mr Clarke - to help the underprivileged better themselves.

In 告発する／非難するing him of 存在 "very old-fashioned and out of time", and by 可決する・採択するing such intemperate language, Mr Clarke showed his true feelings about the 君主国. So did Peter Hain, the Leader of the ありふれたs, when he 認める on the Today Programme the に引き続いて day that he was not a monarchist.

Both Mr Clarke and Mr Hain are former Left-wing agitators who once 率直に …に反対するd the 設立. Twenty years ago, both men would have 自由に spoken out against the 君主国, the House of Lords, fox-追跡（する）ing, 私的な schools and any example of middle-class 特権 you care to 指名する.

Like many of their 同僚s in 閣僚, they 受託するd the New 労働 詳細な計画 軍隊d on the party by Mr Blair ーするために make it re-electable. Perhaps they genuinely went along with the idea that the market was a more efficient means of producing wealth than the 明言する／公表する 企業s favoured by old 労働.

But they have not jettisoned their former far-Left 見解（をとる）s about class and 特権, which go 井戸／弁護士席 beyond anything old 労働 ever 支持するd. How does Tony Blair fit into all this? にもかかわらず his youthful flirtation with the （選挙などの）運動をする for 核の 軍備縮小, he was never part of the far-Left in the same way as Mr Clarke and Mr Hain, not to について言及する other, 恐らく 改革（する）d, members of the 閣僚 such as Jack Straw, or political friends and associates like Peter Mandelson.

Mr Blair may not himself be driven by class politics. He evidently does not care about fox-追跡（する）ing one way or the other and would have been 本人自身で happy with a 妥協 by which 追跡（する）ing could have continued under licence. There is no 推論する／理由 to believe that his 願望（する） to 改革（する） the House of Lords 反映するd any personal prejudice against hereditary peers, or that he, as someone who was 個人として educated, has it in for public schools.

But whatever his own 見解（をとる）s on these 事柄s, he knows that he 統括するs over a 政府 and a party in which there are many 恐らく 改革（する）d Maoists, Marxists, Trotskyists and other class 軍人s who, for all their 明らかな 受託 of 解放する／自由な market 経済的なs, are gripped by a very old-fashioned class 協議事項.

As Tony Blair grows 女性, buffeted by the consequences of his 無分別な adventure in Iraq, so he finds himself having to cede more and more to the class 軍人s in his 中央. I don't suppose he minds too much. All that 事柄s to him is the 維持／整備 of 力／強力にする, and if 妥協s are necessary, so be it. But a 首相 who 許すs 法律制定 against fox-追跡（する）ing that is driven by class 憎悪 can no longer 現在の himself as a 肉親，親類d of Tory in disguise.