STEPHEN GLOVER: Dine with アイルランド共和国軍 殺し屋s, your Majesty, and it will be Al Qaeda テロリストs next

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直面するd: Former アイルランド共和国軍 指揮官 ツバメ McGuinness (権利) 会談 to David Cameron (left) and 総理大臣 Enda Kenny (middle) during a 祝宴 at Windsor 城

I’m sure it’s a 見解（をとる） 内密に 株d by many in 政府. One guest at a Windsor 城 ?祝宴 last night was ツバメ McGuinness, a former 一時的に アイルランド共和国軍 指揮官, now 副 First 大臣 of Northern Ireland. The Queen was 教えるd to 招待する him.

Few would 論争 that the 祝宴 had something to celebrate. It was held in honour of Michael D. Higgins, the first Irish 大統領 to 支払う／賃金 a 公式訪問 to Britain since the 共和国 won independence nearly a century ago. Our two countries can at last be true friends.

Shabby

But why was it necessary to 招待する Mr McGuinness? Former Tory 大臣 Peter Lilley, a man of undoubted 正直さ and honesty, once 申し立てられた／疑わしい in the House of ありふれたs this former 一時的に アイルランド共和国軍 Army 会議 member had told him he had 12 カトリック教徒 密告者s killed in Northern Ireland.

議論の的になる: The 副 First 大臣 of Northern Ireland has joined Michael D Higgins during the four-day 公式訪問

Mr McGuinness appeared in a Dublin 法廷，裁判所 in 1973 after 存在 設立する の近くに to a car filled with 250?lb of 爆発性の and 5,000 一連の会議、交渉／完成するs of 弾薬／武器. As a 上級の 一時的に アイルランド共和国軍 指揮官 in Londonderry in the 早期に Seventies, he was not ?in the 商売／仕事 of 手渡すing out 甘いs.

The British 明言する／公表する has decided to 許す this awful man, to rehabilitate him and 扱う／治療する him as though he had never killed a 飛行機で行く. Two years ago, the Queen was made to shake his 手渡す and now she has been 軍隊d to have him dine at her （米）棚上げする／（英）提議する.

All this might ― just might ― be tolerable if Mr McGuinness had uttered a 選び出す／独身 word of 悔いる for the deaths of hundreds of people at the 手渡すs of the アイルランド共和国軍. But like the 残り／休憩（する） of his ギャング（団）, he hasn’t, and there is no 見込み that he ever will.

If Mr Hain has his way, the indulgence shown by the British 政府 to McGuinness and other former テロリストs who have swapped their Armalites for chauffeur-driven リムジンs will be 延長するd to those 責任がある the 3,000 未解決の 殺人s during the Troubles.

労働 and Mr Hain have やめる a 記録，記録的な／記録する for sparing 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑うd テロリストs. Six weeks ago, John Downey, a 罪人／有罪を宣告するd アイルランド共和国軍 テロリスト, was told he would not 直面する 起訴 for the Hyde Park 爆破 in July 1982, which killed four 兵士s and seven horses, and 負傷させるd 31 people. The 推論する／理由 was he was sent an 公式の／役人 letter in 2007 wro ngly 知らせるing him he was not 手配中の，お尋ね者 by the police.

This 苦しめるing 事例／患者 high-lighted a shabby secret 取引，協定 made by Tony Blair and Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams ― also a former アイルランド共和国軍 指揮官, though he will not 収容する／認める it. Under this 協定, nearly 200 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑うd アイルランド共和国軍 逃亡者／はかないものs received 類似の letters 効果的に giving them 恩赦，大赦.

Mr Hain ― who was the 労働 Northern Ireland 長官 most 同情的な to the 共和国の／共和党のs, which is 説 something ― now wants to go the whole hog. The British 政府 should not listen.

会合: Irish 大統領 Michael D Higgins and the Queen 提起する／ポーズをとる for a photograph ahead of a 明言する／公表する 祝宴. It comes three years after Elizabeth II made a groundbreaking trip to the 共和国

He equates British soldi ers with アイルランド共和国軍 and 現体制支持者／忠臣 殺し屋s. Do not 起訴する members of the パラシュート（で降下する） 連隊 over the 血まみれの Sunday 殺人，大当りs in 1972, he says, and do not? 起訴する ex-テロリストs. It is imperative that we mustn’t be misled by his 明らかな even-handedness.

Of course, there were 事例／患者s when British 軍隊／機動隊s and RUC policemen 行為／法令／行動するd unlawfully, and if there is 証拠 against them they should be brought to 司法（官） like everyone else. But there were far, far more 残虐（行為）s at the 手渡すs of アイルランド共和国軍 and 現体制支持者／忠臣 テロリストs.

That’s what Sinn Fein/アイルランド共和国軍 want ― to 設立する a 誤った equivalence so their 殺し屋s are let off. On Monday, Francie Molloy, Sinn Fein MP for 中央の ?Ulster, 示唆するd 正確に／まさに this ― that the 恩赦，大赦 提案するd by Mr Hain should 適用する to all 味方するs.

It is central to the アイルランド共和国軍’s mythology that its 殺し屋s were fighting a 合法的 war as 兵士s. It’s nonsense, of course. They were fighting the dirtiest war imaginable against a 民主的に elected 政府, and they 代表するd only a tiny 少数，小数派 of the Northern Ireland 全住民.

Whatever wrongs British 兵士s may have done pale into insignificance when placed next to the 乱暴／暴力を加えるs committed by アイルランド共和国軍 and 現体制支持者／忠臣 凶漢s. Our 兵士s did not deliberately shoot dead innocent people in 冷淡な 血 or 始める，決める off 爆弾s 殺人，大当り and maiming innocent bystanders.

Even today, terrible 罪，犯罪s from the Troubles remain 未解決の. Ivor Bell, a former アイルランド共和国軍 member, will appear in 法廷，裁判所 later this week 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金d with ?補佐官ing and abetting the 殺人 of ジーンズ McConville, who was 誘拐するd, 拷問d and 発射 in 1972 because the アイルランド共和国軍 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑うd her of 存在 an?informant.

Pernicious

It is 示唆するd that taped interviews of former アイルランド共和国軍 テロリストs 指名する Gerry Adams as the アイルランド共和国軍 comman der who ordered Mrs McConville’s 殺人. This 主張 has been 空気／公表するd before, in a 調書をとる／予約する published in 2010 by Ed Moloney, a 尊敬（する）・点d Dublin-based 新聞記者／雑誌記者.

によれば Moloney, Adams was 責任がある setting up ?the アイルランド共和国軍 部隊 that 殺人d and clandestinely buried at least nine people ― the いわゆる ‘Disappeared’ ― in the Seventies, 含むing ジーンズ McConville, though Adams 否定するs any 関与.

Have British 兵士s ever been （刑事）被告 of behaving in a remotely 類似の way? Of course not. That is why the notion of ‘moral equivalence’ is so pernicious.

The Sinn Fein 政治家，政治屋 walks between groups of guests as they 準備する to dine

The アイルランド共和国軍, and the only marginally いっそう少なく deadly 現体制支持者／忠臣 議会のs, were in a 部類 of their own where cruelty and barbarity 統治するd. They have already enjoyed far too much 余裕／偏流 as a result of Tony Blair’s secret 取引，協定s.

Doesn’t the family of ジーンズ McConville have a 権利 to see 司法（官） done? And all the families of the Disappeared? And the 親族s and friends of the hundreds of innocent 犠牲者s in Northern Ireland and on the 本土／大陸 butchered by ツバメ McGuinness’s and Gerry Adams’s former comrades?

不正

Patrick Corrigan, of 国際アムネスティ, puts it very 井戸／弁護士席 when he says: ‘It is 残念な that 上級の political 人物／姿／数字s continue to show such 無視（する） for one of the がまんするing lessons of 衝突 決意／決議. One cannot build a stable peace on a rocky 創立／基礎 of 不正.’

Hear, hear. By the way, don’t believe those who say that the Truth and 仲直り （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 in South Africa (Hain’s old stamping ground) 認めるd 恩赦，大赦 to hundreds of 殺し屋s. Only those 有罪の of いっそう少なく heinous 罪，犯罪s were 免除されたd from 司法（官）, and very many 使用／適用s for 恩赦，大赦 were, in fact, 拒絶するd.

Peter Hain and, I 恐れる, some in this 政府, would 奪う families and 親族s of the only thing they have left ― the 適切な時期 to understand what happened to those whom they loved, and the? satisfaction of 司法（官）. No? 政府 should ever take that away.

And we will all be いっそう少なく 安全な if it does. An Al Qaeda テロリスト plotting to 爆発する innocent British 非軍事のs or perhaps a diehard 共和国の／共和党の テロリスト in Belfast still 工場／植物ing 爆弾s will look at ツバメ McGuinness 存在 祝日，祝うd at Windsor 城 and テロリストs escaping 裁判，公判.

Such people may justifiably wonder whether, after all the 残虐（行為）s they have in mind to commit, the British 明言する／公表する will one day 許す and forget ― and they’ll even 結局最後にはーなる dining with the Queen.

Glad though I am that there is mostly peace in Northern Ireland, I 恐れる it is 存在 bought at a terrible price.

Groundbreaking: The Queen shakes ツバメ McGuinness' 手渡す at the Lyric Theatre in Belfast

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