MAIL ON SUNDAY COMMENT: We are at a 十字路／岐路 in our proud history and we must stay on course... not veer Left into 混乱?

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This is a defining week for Britain: one which will 影響（力） all our individual 運命s. Rarely in the long democratic history of our islands has a General 選挙 result been so 予測できない ? or so important.

A 投票（する） for a 労働-SNP 協定／条約 would 権力を与える a cabal of 国家主義者s and 社会主義者s who together want to break up the country and 逆転する five years of hard-fought 経済的な 再開.

For those of us who care passionately about this country, the prospect of this calamity has created a 危機 in slow 動議 ? like watching a トラックで運ぶ carrying precious 貨物 as it trundles に向かって a cliff.

The personal 戦う／戦い between David Cameron (above) and Ed Miliband should, under normal 条件s, be a walkover for the 総理大臣, just as Margaret Thatcher swept aside Michael Foot in 1983

The personal 戦う／戦い between David Cameron and Ed Miliband should, under normal 条件s, be a walkover for the 総理大臣, just as Margaret Thatcher swept aside Michael Foot in 1983.

But these are not normal 条件s.

The rise of Nigel Farage’s demagogic Ukip has wiped out nearly a third of the 保守的なs’ natural support, while the 封鎖するing of 境界 changes by the 自由主義の 民主党員s has 否定するd Mr Cameron a その上の 20 seats at a 一打／打撃.

And so Mr Miliband, にもかかわらず 悲惨な leadership ratings, could be on the brink of forming the most Left-wing 政府 since the time of Denis Healey’s 悪名高い 約束 to squeeze the rich ‘until the pips squeak’ ? an 時代 which most sane 観察者／傍聴者s had hoped had been consigned to the dustbin of history.

Propped up by Nicola Sturgeon’s SNP, Mr Miliband could enter 負かす／撃墜するing Street にもかかわらず receiving the support of より小数の than one in three 投票者s.

His 業績／成果 during the party leaders’ Question Time on Thursday did nothing to 静める this 恐れる. The audience howled with incredulity when Mr Miliband tried to （人命などを）奪う，主張する that he would never do a を取り引きする the SNP to become 総理大臣.

His 主張 that the last 労働 政府 had not overspent was 迎える／歓迎するd with equal derision.

Mr Cameron, by contrast, has a 記録，記録的な／記録する in 政府 of which he can be proud.

But these are not normal 条件s. The rise of Nigel Farage’s demagogic Ukip has wiped out nearly a third of the 保守的なs’ natural support, while the 封鎖するing of 境界 changes by the 自由主義の 民主党員s has 否定するd Mr Cameron a その上の 20 seats at a 一打／打撃. Above, Nick Clegg (left) and Nigel Farage (権利)

When he （機の）カム to 力／強力にする in May 2010, the country was still 現れるing from the worst 経済的な 危機 since the 1930s.

失業 stood at 8.1 per cent. Now? It is just 5.5 per cent, with two million extra 職業s created.

税金 法案s have been 削減（する） for 26 million people, while three-million low-paid 労働者s now no longer 支払う／賃金 any 所得税.

（ドイツなどの）首相／（大学の）学長 George Osborne’s 凍結する in 燃料 義務 has helped 与える／捧げる to 急落（する），激減（する）ing 石油 法案s.

And contrary to Mr Miliband’s （人命などを）奪う，主張するs, Mr Cameron has not 削減（する） the NHS: spending on the Health Service has 増加するd by £13 billion over the past five years.

その上に, Mr Miliband 訴える手段／行楽地s to cheap populism by 約束ing to introduce an ill thought out mansion 税金, and an 企業-sapping 誓約（する） to 再提出する a 50p 最高の，を越す 率 of 税金.

Any 伸び（る）s from the mansion 税金 or the new 最高の，を越す 率 of 所得税 would be ごくわずかの at best, and may even cost the country money. It would be 危険に self-敗北・負かすing to hound wealth-creators out of the country: the 最高の，を越す 1 per cent of income earners now account for nearly a third of all 所得税 歳入s ? ３倍になる the level during Healey’s 時代.

Since 2010 the richest fifth of the 全住民 has taken a far greater 攻撃する，衝突する on their incomes than the poorest fifth.

税金 thresholds have been raised for low-income families, while child 利益 支払い（額）s for the more 豊富な have been 削除するd. It means that those with the broadest shoulders are already 耐えるing the greatest 重荷（を負わせる）.

It is powerfully 象徴的な that フラン, which introduced a 始める，決める of soak-the-rich 政策s when 大統領 Hollande （機の）カム to 力／強力にする, was recently overtaken by Britain as the world’s fifth largest economy. But then politics, not 経済的なs, is the point.

平等に worrying, a Miliband-Sturgeon 同盟 would be dangerous in more ways than one. The SNP has 脅すd to ゆすり，恐喝 Mr Miliband by 投票（する）ing 負かす／撃墜する his 予算s until he gives Ms Sturgeon what she wants ? such as scrapping our 核搭載ミサイル 核の deterrent. This throwback to the unilateralism of the 1980s 最高潮の場面s how their 同盟 would 脅す the 安全 and the 正直さ of the UK.

Propped up by Nicola Sturgeon (above) and the SNP, Mr Miliband could enter 負かす／撃墜するing Street にもかかわらず receiving the support of より小数の than one in three 投票者s

一方／合間, lurking in the background are the union barons who bankroll 労働. Led by 部隊’s hard Left Len McCluskey, they would use their 力／強力にする to pull Mr Miliband even その上の to the Left.

A 労働 Governme nt would mean an end to 決定的な Tory 改革（する）s such as the 解放する／自由な Schools programme, a 原則d and 勇敢な 企て，努力，提案 to 解放する／自由な our classrooms from the dead 手渡す of the 会議s.

In Mr Miliband’s world, the only 選択 for parents would be a one-size-fits-all 包括的な in every town, deadening the 運動 for excellence.

Mr Miliband and Ms Sturgeon have already joined 軍隊s to attack George Osborne’s 経済的な 政策s, which is 決定的な if we have any hope of 除去するing the 赤字 and starting to 支払う／賃金 負かす／撃墜する Britain’s £1.5 一兆 国家の 負債.

The mindset of its 悪意のある 可能性のある is so negligent it 国境s on the 犯罪の.

Both 政治家，政治屋s are aware that the 利益／興味 we are 支払う／賃金ing on this 負債 is already £43 billion a year ? the same as the entire Defence 予算. Under 労働-SNP 計画（する）s, a その上の £13 billion would go up in smoke, in extra 利益／興味 支払い（額）s alone, by 2019.

This would 減ずる our public 財政／金融s to a smouldering 廃虚, 手足を不自由にする／（物事を）損なうing our ability to 基金 even the most basic services of the 明言する／公表する.

Savage 削減（する）s would then become 避けられない if the UK was to 避ける the humiliation of a Greek-style bailout. Nothing, not even the NHS, would be 保護するd.

No wonder the City trembles at the prospect of a 労働-SNP 政府 bringing in this 有毒な cocktail of 社会主義 and 不安定, with the 続けざまに猛撃する already starting to 落ちる against the dollar.

The last 労働 総理大臣 to 勝利，勝つ 力／強力にする with いっそう少なく than a third of the popular 投票（する） was Ramsay MacDonald, who 攻撃する，衝突する 30.7 per cent in December 1923.

His 首相の職 lasted nine months.

Without a （疑いを）晴らす 判決 from the 選挙民, we could also be 直面するing a second 選挙 within months.

Our first-past-the-地位，任命する system no longer 保護するs us from the 大混乱 which is ありふれた on the continent: the Italians have had 44 changes of 総理大臣 since 1945. We have had just 14.

This nightmare シナリオ would not 存在する without Nigel Farage.

It is Ukip’s 殺到する from 4 per cent to 二塁打 人物／姿／数字s which stands in the way of a （疑いを）晴らす result for the 保守的なs. Two-thirds of Ukip’s extra 投票（する）s have come from former Tory 支持者s. This is not an 事故.

Mr Farage and his 信奉者s want to destroy the 保守的なs: his 中尉／大尉／警部補s 収容する／認める 個人として that they hope to ‘分裂（する） the 権利’ to let in Mr Miliband, watch him 廃虚 the economy and then ‘改革（する） the 権利’ around Mr Farage. But this is not a political parlour game we are talking about ? it is the 未来 of the country.

Ukip 支持者s have been attracted to the party by Mr Farage’s 公約する to leave the European Union and 削減（する） 移民／移住. Neither of those goals can be 達成するd if Mr Miliband is 総理大臣.

In Mr Miliband’s world, the only 選択 for parents would be a one-size-fits-all 包括的な in every town, deadening the 運動 for excellence. Above, the 労働 leader is pictured with his wife Justine yesterday

Only Mr Cameron has 約束d 投票者s a 国民投票 on Europe by 2017, and only he can be 信用d to renegotiate our 関係 with Brussels on favourable 条件.

The spike in support for Mr Farage’s party 反映するs an 理解できる disenchantment with the political class and its detachment from ordinary families, many of whom are yet to feel the 十分な 利益 of the 選ぶ-up in the economy. That 抗議する has been 登録（する）d by all the parties, and is 反映するd in their manifestos.

It would be suicidal for Ukip 支持者s to 持続する this 姿勢 on Thursday.

As Mr Cameron says to Ukip 支持者s: you’ve made your point, we’ve got it ? now please come home to the 保守的なs.

Mr Cameron has 始める，決める out a powerful 始める，決める of 政策s in his manifesto, 含むing the 復活 of Margaret Tha tcher’s 権利-to-buy 計画／陰謀, a 削除する in 相続物件 税金, more 明言する／公表する-基金d childcare and seven-days-a-week 接近 to a GP.

Mr Miliband 明らかにする／漏らすd his 手渡す two years ago. Asked if he was going to ‘bring 支援する 社会主義’, Mr Miliband replied: ‘That’s what we are doing.’

After a 簡潔な／要約する subduing of 敵意s this 週末 to 示す the arrival of the new princess, we will be just hours from a 十字路／岐路 in our history.

The contest is so tight our 運命／宿命 could be 調印（する）d by just a handful of 投票（する）s in a few ごくわずかの seats.

投票者s have a stark 代案／選択肢: turn to Cameron for 繁栄, 安全 and まとまり; sharp turn left for profligacy and 混乱.

The Mail on Sunday 勧めるs its readers to make the 権利 choice ? for all our sakes.