DAVID MILIBAND: Putin loves to say 僕主主義 is obsolete. Now he can hardly believe his luck
The 嵐／襲撃するing of the US （ワシントンの）連邦議会議事堂 by a hate 暴徒, some carrying Confederate 旗s, at the instigation of the country’s 大統領 is 前例のない.
All the words that have been used ? shame, 不名誉, 大虐殺, nadir ? are appropriate. The 戦う／戦い between 軍隊s of impunity and those of accountability, brewing over the last １０年間 around the world, is now in Technicolor.
For the public servants caught in the 大混乱, the events must have been terrifying. For those of us who are not 国民s but are lucky enough to work here, they were 冷気／寒がらせるing: that this country, so 十分な of creativity and generosity, that has given so much to the world, should have its most sacred of democratic 会・原則s 侵略（する）／超過（する） by a hate 暴徒 is not just a passing stain. It is a 警告 to 民主主義者s everywhere.
The 嵐／襲撃するing of the US （ワシントンの）連邦議会議事堂 by a hate 暴徒, some carrying Confederate 旗s, at the instigation of the country’s 大統領 is 前例のない
Wednesday’s events were not a thunderbolt from a （疑いを）晴らす blue sky. They were years in fermentation, during which the demonisation of 対抗者s, their 動機s and their beliefs, became a 中心的要素 of far-権利 demagogues
Wednesday’s events were not a thunderbolt from a （疑いを）晴らす blue sky. They were years in fermentation, during which the demonisation of 対抗者s, their 動機s and their beliefs, became a 中心的要素 of far-権利 demagogues.
‘Real Americans’ were contrasted with others, by 関わりあい／含蓄 not real. 独立した・無所属 centres of 当局, like the マスコミ and 司法の, were called ‘enemies of the people’.
人種差別主義者s were excused and anti-人種差別主義者s were called dangerous. The contrast between the policing of 黒人／ボイコット Lives 事柄 demonstrations and the 暴徒 支配する last week could not be more stark. And all along, those who have pointed to a 脅し to democratic life were told not to be alarmist.
The 鎮圧するing of the 暴動 in Washington does not mean the 危機 is over. Even if the run-up to the 就任（式）／開始 is 平和的な, the 解雇する／砲火／射撃s of 憎悪 have not been 浴びせる／消すd.
‘Balkanisation’ was a 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 invented to 述べる the break-up of the Balkans into a fragmented 始める，決める of tribes 部隊d only by geograp hy and loathing of each other.
That is the danger in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs today. The 現在の 分割s are not just about time zones or even 政策. They are about the much more combustible questions of culture, 身元, meaning, world 見解（をとる）. They are pickled into 反感 by separate news machines that eradicate 審議 in favour of vilification. They are laced with extreme danger because guns are so 広範囲にわたって owned.
Two questions arise. One is about America, and what happens next to this 広大な／多数の／重要な 実験 in 僕主主義. The events of January 6 should be salutary. にもかかわらず the support of a 大多数 of House 共和国の／共和党のs for 大統領 Trump’s wholly unfounded （人命などを）奪う，主張するs to have grounds for contesting the 選挙 result, and にもかかわらず the fact that 告発 or other 非難 of Trump seems remote, there are grounds for hope.
Russia’s 大統領 Putin told the 財政上の Times in 2018 that the 自由主義の idea was ‘obsolete’. Today he can hardly believe his luck
The 大統領の 選挙 was not 現実に の近くに. The adherents of a truly lost and 誤った 原因（となる） are beginning to feel the political consequences, not least in the Georgia results. Trump and his 支持者s have discredited themselves. A new 行政 will arrive in office with the ability to pass 法律制定, and an incentive and instinct on the part of 大統領-elect Biden to reach across party lines.
The second question is for other democratic countries, 含むing the UK. We are in a different 状況／情勢, in all sorts of ways. But we are not 免疫の from challenges to our democratic norms or to the 支配する of 法律. And 失望／欲求不満 with the failings of 代表者／国会議員 政府 is high. The answer must be to 強化する our 僕主主義, not usurp it.
One lesson is that if the transgressions of norms みなすd ‘small’ are not called out, then big ones follow. When 大統領 Trump 反抗するd 条約 and 辞退するd to 解放（する） his 税金 returns during the 2016 大統領の 選挙, and was not held to account, a （疑いを）晴らす message went out: playing by the 支配するs is for suckers.
There was the same 影響 in the UK when Dominic Cummings 反抗するd the Covid 支配するs.
Another is that Left and 権利 need to compete intensively for different 見通しs of the 未来, but need to 部隊 in 強化するing democratic 過程. Of course the 人民党員s want to 叫び声をあげる ‘設立 stitch-up’. But that makes it all the more important that fair checks and balances ? from organisation of 選挙（人）の 地区s to （選挙などの）運動をする 財政／金融 支配するs to マスコミ 所有権 支配するs ? are upheld.
There is special 責任／義務 on 政府 to 支持する the independence and 公平さ of マスコミ, the Civil Service and the 司法の. Yet around the world, we know from the NGO Freedom House 同様に as from the Varieties of 僕主主義 事業／計画（する） at the University of Gothenburg, it is 正確に these 独立した・無所属 centres of 力／強力にする that are in 退却／保養地. A 大多数 of countries in the world have 苦しむd reduc tions in political freedom in the last 15 years.
That is why Professor Larry Diamond of Stanford University has coined the idea of ‘democratic 後退，不況’, in which all types of country, from democratic to 権威主義者, are becoming いっそう少なく 自由主義の.
There is also need for 活動／戦闘, not just scrutiny, on the antisocial, anti-democratic 面s of social マスコミ. Social マスコミ companies are publishers. They are also 放送者s. Let them live by the 支配するs, not make it up as they go along.
Russia’s 大統領 Putin told the 財政上の Times in 2018 that the 自由主義の idea was ‘obsolete’. Today he can hardly believe his luck.
Only alarm and 活動／戦闘 can 証明する him wrong, and not just in the disunited 明言する／公表するs of America.
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