DISEQUILIBRIUM: Modinomics and the challenges for a BJP 行政
As India stands on the cusp of political change - at least the opinion 投票s and general mood seem to 示唆する that - India's 経済的な frailties 嘘（をつく） exposed.
The economy, which is 速く 加速するing southwards, should be arguably the 選び出す／独身 biggest 原因（となる） for 関心.
In the eventuality that Narendra Modi and BJP do make the 削減（する）, though the 議会 would like to believe that the best laid 計画（する）s of mice and men often go awry, then he has his 仕事 削減（する） out.
If he comes to 力／強力にする and 調査するs the 経済的な
wasteland, then he will have to 持つ／拘留する his 長，率いる in 狼狽 and 不信.
The rot runs 深い - five straight ４半期/4分の1s of sub-five per cent GDP growth and nearly all 経済的な parameters in 混乱; Modi will have to 抑えるのをやめる an 経済的な 詳細な計画.
This week in Delhi, he gave us some idea of his thought 過程, but it will take more than quick 直す／買収する，八百長をする palliatives to bump up the economy.
One hears that the BJP's war rooms have an 経済的な hue to them these days. A large 列 of 経済学者s and 政策 mavens are working overtime to 準備する a road-地図／計画する for 回復.
The 選挙 is too 早期に to call - as the old adage has it, many a slip twixt the cup and lip - but even so the first 100 days remain most 決定的な ーに関して／ーの点でs of 場内取引員／株価 感情.
So, this is what Mail Today has learned could be the 防御壁／支持者 of the New 取引，協定:
予防 of 汚職 - The overhang of 汚職 dovetailed with the uncontrollable price worm has 証明するd to be the 選び出す／独身 biggest bugbear for the UPA.
Another テント 政治家 for the war against 汚職 is 黒人／ボイコット money. In the 作品 could be a 予防 of 贈収賄 in 私的な and NGO 部門 法案.
What it may 会社にする／組み込む are 準備／条項s on pricing and valuation of 契約 and licences, gratification and 贈収賄 through third party, ロビーing and 影響（力）ing through public 政策 審議, 支配するs, 規則 and 指導基準s to be 器具／実施するd by 私的な/NGO 部門 to check and 支配（する）／統制する 贈収賄, the 賄賂ing of foreign 国家のs and whistleblower 保護 for 報告（する）／憶測ing of any 行為／法令／行動するs of 汚職.
農業 growth can only come through a 大規模な booster dose of in
vestments. With its 株 in GDP dwindling to a mere 16 per cent, it is 決定的な to 始める 改革（する） so that the 部門 is 天候 proofed.
The entire gamut of 農業の activities needs to be adrenalised and revitalised and the BJP realises the 輸入する of this 経済的な lifeblood.
The 製造業の 部門 is without 疑問 the weakest link in the chain. It has been 本気で debilitated over the last five years 苦しむing acutely 予定 to an inordinately long period of 高金利s. This has led to 職業 losses.
With the constant 集まり 移住 taking place に向かって 都市の agglomerates, it is 現職の on any 政府 to introduce 技術ing of 労働 through vocational training.
As more and more unskilled and 半分-技術d 農業の labourers 長，率いる for towns and cities, this problem will only accentuate.
The 焦点（を合わせる） may 井戸／弁護士席 be on the electronics 産業 where the 輸入するs may はるかに引き離す の近くに of this １０年間.
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The big 押し進める will be 要求するd through myriad 計画（する）s:
- 多重の 登録 必要物／必要条件 for 産業の 始める，決める up be dispensed with
- Inflated land cost is 妨害するing industrialisation
- 雇用 世代 through SMEs; it creates millions of 職業s
- 基金ing for SMEs is a problem
- 焦点（を合わせる） on 生産性, 質 and 研究
- Open defence 生産／産物 for 私的な 部門
- Excise 限界 of Rs 1.5 crore for SMEs should be 増加するd
- Stamp 義務 rationalisation
In a 資本／首都 赤字 nation, 資源s and 歳入s need to be 幅の広い based and ramped up.
The game changer could be bringing 支援する the stashed 略奪する through a 'floating 令状.' The 活動／戦闘 計画（する） 含むs the Floating 令状 概念, which has been used suc cessfully in the US where it is known as a 'John Doe' 訴訟.
A John Doe 召喚するs is any 召喚するs where the 指名する of the 犯人 under 調査 is unknown and therefore not 特に identified.
A 召喚するs of this nature can only be served after 是認 by a 法廷，裁判所. Based on this 令状, the person whose account is in the foreign country can be 宣言するd an 違反者／犯罪者 and his （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） 需要・要求するd.
This 令状 gets 直す／買収する，八百長をするd on the person at a later 行う／開催する／段階 when his 身元 becomes known.
Disinvestment by the 政府 from the 非，不，無-核心 部門 will definitely be 支援する on the NDA 協議事項 given that it was most successful the first time 一連の会議、交渉／完成する.
平等に, an 試みる／企てる will be made to rationalise and 簡単にする the 税金 structure. This can only be possible by 大きくするing the 税金 base, something that 連続する 政府s have failed to do.
This has led to 集中 of wealth to a 限られた／立憲的な segment of society, 主要な to societal 不均衡s and 不平等s.
Modi during his whirlwind speaking 小旅行する in the 資本／首都 touched on 確かな 主題s which 耐える recounting. Some of these questions are 渦巻くing around in the 空気／公表する.
These will have to be adequately 演説（する）／住所d. 組織／基盤／下部構造 開発 typically 要求するs long gestation periods.
What 肉親，親類d of 契約 should one 工夫する for 私的な developers, so that there is transparency in the 関税-setting and bidding 過程, yet reasonable returns for the 私的な 投資家? Can 組織／基盤／下部構造 開発 follow the 公正，普通株主権 大勝する, as …に反対するd to the 現在の 負債 方式?
Third, whether it is public or 私的な provi
sioning, there must be appropriate 使用者 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s. さもなければ, the 事業／計画（する） isn't viable.
Challenge: If he comes to 力／強力にする BJP leader Narendra Modi will have a 抱擁する 経済的な 仕事 ahead of him
Yes, there are problems in 徴収するing 使用者 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s in some 組織／基盤／下部構造 areas. 田舎の roads, as …に反対するd to 主要道路s or expressways, are an example. But there is no 推論する／理由 why the 権利 price should not be 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金d for electricity or water 供給（する）.
The answer 変化させるs from one 肉親，親類d of 組織／基盤／下部構造 area to another. There is an important decentralisation 問題／発行する - in the 憲法, some 組織／基盤／下部構造 areas are in the Union 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる）, some are in the Concurrent 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） and some are in the 明言する／公表する 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる）.
The 負わせる of 最近の history is onerous and yet a challenge for anyone who comes to 力／強力にする. 経済的な capitulation has to be 権利d.
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