The 反逆者 in a headscarf: How Czech 秘かに調査する スパイ／執行官 大打撃を与える worked 内密に inside 議会 for years

By Jason 吊りくさび, Mail on Sunday 安全 Editor
Updated: 01:58 BST, 16 November 2008

労働 was 激しく揺するd by a 冷淡な War 秘かに調査する スキャンダル last night over 主張s that a Party 行動主義者 linked to two members of Tony Blair's 閣僚 秘かに調査するd for the Czech 政府 when the country was controlled by the Soviet Union.

Left-wing 行動主義者 Cynthia Roberts, who stood as a 労働 議会の 候補者, worked for the 共産主義者s under the codename スパイ／執行官 大打撃を与える, によれば 文書s 得るd by The Mail on Sunday.

The とじ込み／提出するs, held by the Czech 安全 service, 明言する／公表する that she wrote secret dossiers for the 共産主義者 政権 on Tory 政治家，政治屋s 含むing Margaret Thatcher and ex-閣僚 大臣 David Mellor after moving to Prague in 1985. She also gave the Czechs 詳細（に述べる）s of a British 武器 factory.

Soviet sympathiser: Cynthia Roberts as a would-be 労働 MP in 1979 and, 権利, in Prague last week< /p>

Mrs Roberts moved to the Czech 資本／首都 from London, where she used a House of ありふれたs office to run the 議論の的になる 労働 活動／戦闘 for Peace (LAP) group, which …に反対するd 核の 武器s, and had links to Soviet Moscow.

労働 MPs 伴う／関わるd in the group, which still 存在するs today, 含むd two 政治家，政治屋s who went on to serve in Mr Blair's 閣僚, Foreign 長官 コマドリ Cook and 運輸大臣 Gavin Strang.

Other 目だつ 労働 MPs linked to LAP 含む Tony Benn, Dennis Skinner and Jeremy Corbyn.

The 公表，暴露s are a 思い出の品 of how の近くに some elements of the 労働 Party were to the Soviet Union before the 落ちる of 共産主義 20 years ago.

Russia's 国家保安委員会 and its 同盟（する）s in other Eastern 圏 nations such as Czechoslovakia t argeted 労働 政治家，政治屋s and other 設立 人物／姿／数字s known to have Left-wing sympathies in an 試みる／企てる to 明らかにする （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） that could be used against the West.

The 冷淡な War led to a 一連の major 秘かに調査する スキャンダルs in Britain, most famously the 秘かに調査する （犯罪の）一味 of Guy Burgess, Anthony Blunt and Kim Philby.

Astonishingly, Mrs Roberts's activities, 含むing her move to Prague, appear to have escaped the attentions of British 安全 services.

As 名誉として与えられる 長官 of LAP, much of Mrs Roberts' work was 行為／行うd from the ありふれたs office of Scottish 労働 MP Willie McKelvey, who is thought to have 供給するd her with a 議会の pass.

In 1983, when Mrs Thatcher had enraged the ロシアのs by 許すing the US? to base 核の ミサイルs in Britain, Mrs Roberts …を伴ってd Mr Cook and Mr Strang on a five-day trip to Moscow.

The とじ込み／提出するs held by the Czech secret service 明言する／公表する her 役割 was 'to 与える／捧げる に向かって the downfall of capitalism'. They say she 誇るd of working for the East Germans and was sent on '使節団s' by her Czech handlers.

In one 報告（する）／憶測, Mrs Thatcher was referred to by the codename ‘Sako’, which means ‘jacket’ in Czech.

Roberts' とじ込み／提出する on David Mellor,? written in 1988 when he was a Foreign Office 大臣, said she did not know if Mr Mellor 'has any 証拠不十分 for women.'

Asked yesterday if? she considered herself a 反逆者, Roberts, who still lives in Prague, said: 'I have nothing to say. I was not a 秘かに調査する.'

AGENT HAMMER: A VERY UNLIKELY SPY

With her headscarf tied tightly against the November 冷気／寒がらせる, she looks like any other pensioner going about her daily 商売／仕事 in Prague. But this 72-year-old, who once worked in the heart of Westminster と一緒に such 主要な 労働 Party 人物／姿／数字s as コマドリ Cook, is at the centre of 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の （人命などを）奪う，主張するs that she 秘かに調査するd for Eastern 圏 政権s under the codename スパイ／執行官 大打撃を与える.

冷淡な 軍人: Former 秘かに調査する Cynthia Roberts 現れるs from her Prague flat

によれば 文書s held by the Czech 安全 service, Cynthia Roberts, who stood as a 労働 候補者 in the 1979 General 選挙, 供給するd 知能 dossiers on Margaret Thatcher and David Mellor after she, her husband and two teenage children moved from London to Prague in 1985.

にもかかわらず 存在 高度に unusual, the family’s 移転 to the Czech 資本／首都 appears not to have attracted the attention of the British 安全 services.

In the five years before she emigrated, Roberts was 名誉として与えられる 長官 of 労働 活動／戦闘 for Peace (LAP), which was then a 高度に 影響力のある anti-核の group. Much of her work was carried out from the House of ありふれたs office of 労働 MP William McKelvey, who 代表するd Kilmarnock from 1979 until 1997.

The Left-wing 圧力団体 was 設立するd in 1940 and is still active today, 述べるing itself as ‘an organisation of 労働 Party members and 支持者s working for peace, 社会主義 and 軍備縮小, and 捜し出すing to make these 問題／発行するs the 最前部 of 労働 Party 政策’.

During its heyday in the 早期に Eighties, LAP 行う／開催する／段階d a 一連の high-profile 会合s at party 会議／協議会s and inside the House of ありふれたs.

の中で the 目だつ 労働 人物／姿／数字s who were active within the group were Cook, who served as Foreign 長官 during Tony Blair’s 行政, and Gavin Strang, who was 運輸大臣 from 1997 to 1998.

によれば a newsletter published by the LAP, 式服 rts …を伴ってd Cook and Strang on a five-day trip to Moscow in December 1983.

Other 主要な 労働 人物／姿／数字s associated with the LAP during Roberts’ 任期 含む Tony Benn, who wrote an article about Nato for the group in 1985, and former (n)役員／(a)執行力のある 委員会 member Dennis Skinner.

The （人命などを）奪う，主張するs that Roberts worked as a 秘かに調査する will その上の 燃料 関心s that 主要な 労働 政治家，政治屋s were 同情的な to 共産主義者 政権s during the 冷淡な War.

The 文書s held by the Czech 安全 service Statni Tajna Bezpecnost (STB) and seen by this newspaper 明らかにする／漏らす that Roberts 明らかに 誇るd of working for the East Germans while based at Westminster, and later was sent on ‘使節団s’ by her Czech handlers.

About 100 pages of the とじ込み／提出するs still 存在する, although 言及／関連s within them 示唆する that a その上の 600 pages are 行方不明の ? almost certainly destroyed as 共産主義者 bosses 試みる／企てるd to cover up 詳細（に述べる）s of their activities when the country was swept by democratic change.

But the pages that remain paint a damning picture of her 役割, which, in the words of her STB handlers, was ‘to 与える／捧げる に向かって the downfall of capitalism’.

They consist of two 報告（する）／憶測s written in English, 明らかに by Roberts, and a 一連の handwritten accounts in Czech 用意が出来ている by 安全 長，指導者s 詳細（に述べる）ing their 会合s with her and the 仕事s they 始める，決める her. The 生き残るing とじ込み／提出するs 詳細（に述べる） a total of 19 会合s between Roberts and her STB 接触するs.

Last week, The Mail on Sunday 跡をつけるd 負かす／撃墜する Roberts to a 共産主義者-時代 封鎖する of flats on the 郊外s of Prague. The 指名する plate on her letterbox in the 入り口 hall reads ‘Robertsovi’ and 耐えるs the message ‘Please do not 地位，任命する advertising fliers in this mailbox’.

Dreary: Mrs Roberts lives in this 広い地所 in Prague

Mrs Roberts carried out the rubbish from her fourth-床に打ち倒す apartment in the 淡褐色 prefabricated 封鎖する, which overlooks the 残り／休憩（する） of the 抱擁する graffiti-scrawled 広い地所 on one 味方する and a busy （犯罪の）一味 road on the other.

Asked why she had 秘かに調査するd for the STB against Britain and whether she regarded herself as a 反逆者, she said: ‘I do not want to talk to you. I do not talk to the 圧力（をかける）.’
She 辞退するd to discuss whether she had worked for the Soviet 知能 services either in Britain or after she moved to Prague.

When told we had a copy of her とじ込み／提出する, which 明言する／公表するd that she was an STB スパイ／執行官, she said: ‘I have nothing to say. I was not a 秘かに調査する.’

Asked whether she should be 起訴するd for her treachery, she said: ‘I have no quarrel with Britain. I am sorry but I am not going to talk to you.’

によれば STB とじ込み／提出するs, the Roberts family arrived in Prague on October 19, 1985. Mrs Roberts was …を伴ってd by her photographer husband Denis, daughter Mary, then 19, and 15-year-old Christopher.

Their 出発 from Britain was について言及するd in the 1985 LAP 年次の 報告（する）／憶測, which says: ‘Cynthia Roberts, who has been 名誉として与えられる 長官 of LAP for five years, went with her husband to live in Czechoslovakia.’

She was given a 職業 as an editor with the 明言する／公表する-run news 機関 on a 月毎の salary of 5,000 Czech koruny (about £150 at today’s 交流 率s) ? at least 二塁打 the 普通の／平均（する） 行う. But the とじ込み／提出するs make （疑いを）晴らす that her main 役割 was to work for the STB.

最初 given the codename ‘Kilburn’, Roberts appears to have so impressed her handlers in the first few months after arriv ing in Prague that her status was 昇格d to ‘スパイ／執行官’ and she was given her new codename, 大打撃を与える.

Roberts now calls herself Robertsovi. Her letterbox 阻止するs advertising fliers

A とじ込み／提出する 入ること／参加（者） 時代遅れの April 2, 1986, says Roberts was to be ‘used on the problems of British 知能 services’.

It says she would also be used to ‘伸び（る） （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） on the 内部の politics of 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain [and answer] questions of the peace movement in 資本主義者 countries and in Britain 特に’.

The 入ること／参加（者） goes on: ‘KILBURN can be 評価するd as a person 価値のある for 操作の use from the 味方する of 知能 work. To 伸び（る） her co-操作／手術 we can use her satisfaction with her stay in Czechoslovakia ... and her good relations with the whole 共産主義者 ideology. [Roberts] will continue to be used for British problems.’

One of her first 職業s was to 完全にする a 報告（する）／憶測 and character 査定／評価 on Margaret Thatcher who, the とじ込み／提出する 明らかにする／漏らすs, had been given the codename ‘Sako’ ? which means ‘jacket’ in Czech ? by the STB.

This 文書 is 行方不明の from the とじ込み／提出する, but it appears that Roberts 完全にするd the 報告（する）／憶測.

A とじ込み／提出する 時代遅れの April 15, 1987, returns to the 支配する of her work on 総理大臣 Thatcher. ‘最高の，を越す Secret.

16.15 KILBURN 接触するd in Slezka Street, Prague, and taken in a 'company' car to another 場所, a pr ivate flat, 指名するd as 'Balt'.

'We then talked to Kilburn about the 明言する／公表する of her work on Sako [Thatcher], and she said that she had already finished the 報告（する）／憶測 and only had to type it up and make some 是正s.

'We told KILBURN we 大いに valued her help and said we would like to continue our co-操作／手術 and 拡大する it. KILBURN was visibly delighted with our valuing her work.

'We told her we were 利益／興味d in raising our co-操作／手術 to a higher level and that we would ask her for （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） and character 分析 of people she knew from her previous political activities in 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain.’

The とじ込み／提出する 追加するs: ‘We said that we had to have 保証（人）s that she would remain silent on these 事柄s and on our 会合s. KILBURN said these 問題／発行するs were （疑いを）晴らす.’

行動主義者: Cynthia Roberts pictured with her husband Denis in a 調書をとる／予約する they wrote, 肩書を与えるd How To 安全な・保証する Peace In Europe, which was published in 1985

The 文書 追加するs: ‘At the end after we explained our 推論する／理由s [for 保護するing her 身元] she chose the codename HAMMER.’

At the 会合, Roberts was told she would 会合，会う her handlers at least once a month. She was given a number to 接触する in 事例／患者 of ‘緊急’ and the passwor d to be used: ‘I have many regards from Vaclav for you.’

She was also asked to produce a 詳細（に述べる）d 報告（する）／憶測 on the then 長，率いる of the （選挙などの）運動をする for 核の 軍備縮小, Meg Beresford.

The STB officer 報告（する）／憶測s that Roberts ‘willingly agreed to co-operate’ and also agreed to ‘新採用する help’ ? 示唆するing she 活発に tried to 説得する others to 秘かに調査する for the Soviet 圏.

But it is Roberts’ typewritten 報告（する）／憶測 on Beresford that gives the only 手がかり（を与える） to her activities in the UK while working at the House of ありふれたs.

In the undated 文書, Roberts says she 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑うs that Beresford is a 中央情報局 工場／植物 and （人命などを）奪う，主張するs Beresford is 伴う／関わるd in ‘subversion’ in East Germany, encouraging groups of 反体制者s to 始める，決める up 関係 with churches in the country.

She 示唆するs Beresford also 試みる／企てるd to organise women’s 権利s groups and was 準備するing them for 集まり 抗議するs, 含むing calling on 兵士s to become conscientious objectors.

The papers 追加する: ‘The most 利益／興味ing feature of all was that after I 報告（する）／憶測d these facts to the [East German] 大使館 in London, some time later I was told by the 外交官 with whom I used to work that the （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） had been 極端に useful and was 設立する to be 正確な.’

This 言及／関連 is the only 指示，表示する物 that she may have been engaged in スパイ before she moved to the Eastern 圏. It 示唆するs that she had 正規の／正選手 接触するs with an East German 外交官 and raises questions about whether she was 秘かに調査するing for the 恐れるd Stasi. Papers written in Czech by an STB スパイ／執行官 and 時代遅れの October 16, 1986, a year after she moved to Prague, 示唆する that she had passed on （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） from her father, a former 刑務所，拘置所 officer, about an 無名の 軍の 取り付け・設備 in the West Country.

It 明言する／公表するs: ‘会合 took place in a public place ... The source gave （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） relating to a newly? built 軍の 武器 factory in South-West England 近づく Taunton.’

Damning 証拠: STB とじ込み／提出するs show the 知能 報告（する）／憶測 Roberts 収集するd about David Mellor when he was a Tory Foreign Office 大臣

The とじ込み／提出するs say the （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） （機の）カム from her father, who told Roberts he had ‘noticed the new building and the 調印する "MoD 所有物／資産／財産" ... He 設立する out from his 労働 MP that the MoD bought the land for a 工場／植物 to 製造（する） 構成要素s for 弾頭s and 航海 器具／備品’.

The とじ込み／提出するs （人命などを）奪う，主張する that Roberts was then used to 的 さまざまな Western 公式の／役人s to try to 得る useful （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） from them or to identify ways they might be 新採用するd by the 国家保安委員会.

の中で those she 的d were a 上級の Nato 公式の／役人 she met at a Czech 貿易（する） fair, a 実業家 from a computer 会社／堅い based in Windsor and a 女性（の） British 外交官 from the Prague 大使館.

Roberts was also used to help build up a picture of British 政治家，政治屋s who were visiting the former Czechoslovakia. A とじ込み／提出する 公式文書，認める 時代遅れの May 19, 1988, says: ‘The source was asked to 報告（する）／憶測 on David Mellor, a 大臣 of 明言する／公表する in the Foreign 省 in relation to his 推定する／予想するd visit to Czechoslovakia.’

Roberts' 報告（する）／憶測 is written in English. 隣人s in the cramped 封鎖する の近くに to Prague’s （犯罪の）一味-road （人命などを）奪う，主張する that she and her husband Denis, now 85, have struggled to master the language since their arrival.

Their son Christopher, 38, i s said to have returned to Britain, while their daughter Mary, who 熟考する／考慮するd to be a doctor after their move to Prague, is believed to have died last year.

The Mellor 報告（する）／憶測 says: ‘He will try, without について言及するing a word, to find out any possible way he can of 損失ing our political and 商売／仕事 利益／興味s in the Middle East, 特に with Libya and Syria...

‘Dangers also 適用する to our 関係 with Ethiopia. Within two weeks of 存在 first elected to Westminster in 1979, MELLOR was out in Iran advising the Shah how to を取り引きする 暴動 both ーに関して／ーの点でs of 戦略 and 武器s.

'Within the last two years he has “given” the Colombian 政府 six British ヘリコプターs to を取り引きする their 麻薬 problem. He worked extensively with the 中央情報局 and the 連邦検察局 on this 問題／発行する, の中で who he has many 接触するs, as he undoubtedly would have also の中で the British Special Services.’

The 文書 goes on to 述べる Mellor as a ‘高度に sophisticated cunning 政治家，政治屋’ and a ‘悪賢い 操作者 ? a smooth-tongued oily character, who is undoubtedly 支えるd by his image of himself and his own inflated sense of self-importance. His danger is that he is cunning and calculating.

‘He probably drinks brandy at the end of dinner ? most Tory MPs do, it’s considered the “done thing” at Westminster. Many a slip of the tongue has been made after several brandies.’

Mellor was later 軍隊d to 辞職する from the 政府 after his high-profile 事件／事情／状勢 with Antonia de Sancha was 明らかにする／漏らすd in 1992. In her 報告（する）／憶測, written four years earlier, Roberts wrote that she was not aware ‘whether he has any 証拠不十分 for women or not’.

She 追加するd: ‘The only place Mellor will speak the truth is when he is in the “安全な” room of the British 大使館. The 残り／休憩（する） of the time ... he will be speaking to an audience [the bugs]

‘I would regard this man, without any hesitation どれでも, as a most deadly enemy of the Czechoslovak people and their 政府.’

Last night David Mellor said he remembered his trip to Czechoslovakia very 井戸／弁護士席 as it had hinged on him 存在 許すd to 会合，会う the 反体制者 脚本家 Vaclav Havel, who later became the Czech 大統領，／社長.

Of the 報告（する）／憶測 on him, he said: ‘I think it shows up the futility of the whole old Eastern European system and the pointless 知能 集会 they engaged in.

‘But the far more important question is how this woman was able to mix with 上級の 人物／姿／数字s in the 労働 Party, to 安全な・保証する a House of ありふれたs pass and to come の近くに to becoming an MP when she was within an エース of defecting to the Eastern 圏. It says an awful lot about the 労働 Party.’

Gavin Strang said: ‘I remember Cynthia because she was around for a few years at that time with 労働 活動／戦闘 for Peace. The one thing I remember is that she struck me as ultra-同情的な に向かって the Soviet Union ? 過度に so at that time.

‘明白に at that time there was 関心 about the build-up of medium and short-範囲 核の 武器s by both the US and Russia. But her 過度の sympathy for the Soviet Union was very noticeable and certainly something I remember.

‘But her behaviour was not something I was worried about enough to 報告（する）／憶測 or make anyone aware of. Everybody is する権利を与えるd to their own 見解（をとる）s and opinions.’

Tony Benn, who is 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる）d as a member of the LAP in the group’s 年次の 報告（する）／憶測 for 1985-1986, said: ‘I do not 解任する 会合 Cynthia Roberts and there is no 言及／関連 to her in my diary, which I have checked. I became chairman of 労働 活動／戦闘 for Peace in the Nineties.’

Dennis Skinner, who is 指名するd in LAP 文書s of the same year as a member of the LAP’s (n)役員／(a)執行力のある 委員会, said: ‘Don’t know the woman, never heard of her, don’t know what you’re on about. You’d best try Tony Benn.’

現在の LAP 大統領，／社長 Jeremy Corbyn MP said: ‘I don’t know Cynthia Roberts at all. Of course I’m surprised. I didn’t know her and this was long before I was 伴う／関わるd in the organisation. I’m not going to be able to comment on people like Cynthia Roberts. The 問題／発行する of the 冷淡な War is one that has long passed.’

A 広報担当者 for the Czech 大使館 in London said: ‘We are not aware of the 詳細（に述べる）s of this particular 事例／患者. The Czech 大使館 is not in a position to comment.’

A Czech 政府 source 追加するd: ‘This sort of スパイ relates to the previous 共産主義者 政権. It is a thing of the past and not something our country would engage in now.’

付加 報告（する）／憶測ing by Nigel Rosser and Katka Krosnar