Sanctimonious, self-serving, high 手渡すd: Adam Boulton's 代案／選択肢 見解（をとる） of the Blairs

By Adam Boulton
Updated: 08:50 BST, 20 September 2009

Last year, 退役軍人 political 新聞記者／雑誌記者 Adam Boulton published the 最終的な account of Tony Blair’s 行政.

Here, in a new 一時期／支部 from his acclaimed 調書をとる／予約する, Boulton 診察するs how Blair has made his £15million fortune, manoeuvred himself on to the international 行う／開催する／段階 and has even 覆うd the way for a possible return to politics as ‘大統領 of Europe’.

When 招待s were sent out for Cherie Blair’s select Christmas party last year, held at her Central London home, couples who regarded themselves as personal friends were shocked to find just one 指名する on them.

Several made enquiries and were told that this was the 意向. 感情を害する／違反するd, a number 拒絶する／低下するd to go to the Connaught Square bash.

Those who did turn up discovered to their annoyance that what had been 法案d as a 私的な party was, in fact, a fundraiser for Mrs Blair’s planned 創立／基礎.

London society, however, always finds a way to exact its 復讐. Later, a かなりの number of ‘stiffies’ to big events dropped through the Blair letterboxes with only Tony’s 指名する on them.

On enquiry, the reply was sorry, but no, Mrs Blair was not 招待するd.

It was by no means Cherie’s only affront to English social niceties since Mr Blair left 負かす／撃墜するing Street.

In September 2008, friends and former staff received 招待s to a party at the Blairs’ new country house, South Pavilion, in Buckinghamshire.

The Blair rich 事業／計画（する）: Globetrotters Tony and Cherie during a visit to 中国 last year

Most of those who turned up that Saturday afternoon 設立する that they were 限定するd to the garden and scruffily 築くd テントs.

In true nightclub red-rope style, only a select few were 招待するd into the house, although the 残り／休憩（する） were 申し込む／申し出d guided 小旅行するs of the splendour within.

As Mr Blair’s months out of office turn into years, there are たびたび（訪れる） （民事の）告訴s about the difficulty of reaching the 広大な／多数の／重要な man himself, who （人命などを）奪う，主張するs to be busier than when he was 総理大臣.

And just as they copied 法案 Clinton in setting up 創立／基礎s and 組み立てる／集結するing a self-基金ing 大臣の地位 of public and 私的な 利益／興味s, so Tony and Cherie have 可決する・採択するd an American celebrity’s way of 扱うing friends and 知識s.

This approach seems high-手渡すd to many who knew or even worked for them during the 負かす／撃墜するing Street years, when they appeared to behave in a いっそう少なく exalted way while 占領するing what were surely much grander positions.

One 退役軍人 of the rise to 力／強力にする and No10 crisply told Mr Blair to ‘f*** off’ when 教えるd to 接触する his 長官 to be fitted in.

Another 調書をとる／予約するd a professional and personal heart-to-heart, but was stunned on turning up to be （許可，名誉などを）与えるd only a smile and a wave as Mr Blair left his Mayfair office.

Afterwards, staff explained the 任命 許すd only? for what the Americans call ‘a 減少（する）-by’.

にもかかわらず such high-end faux pas, Mr Blair remains ferociously 井戸／弁護士席 connected 国祭的な. He is still a man to be seen with, still a big 星／主役にする, though perhaps more popular away from home, 特に in the US.

But it is difficult not to catch the faintest 影をつくる／尾行する of an 代案／選択肢 見解（をとる） of him ? sanctimonious, self-serving, in self-課すd 追放する from home and unfulfilled.

Mr Blair’s international 約束／交戦s have certainly kept him away from Britain since he left 負かす／撃墜するing Street in June 2007.?

He has stayed almost 完全に out of British public life, managing to 持続する 利益／興味 in himself with colourful comments やめる 関係のない to Gordon Brown.

It is an absence that 支持者s and detractors within 労働 regard as his classiest 出資／貢献 to British politics after his ten years in 力／強力にする.

Given the busyness of their lives, the Blairs probably have little time to brood on whether they have outgrown their old British friends, 含むing those who were most useful while in 負かす／撃墜するing Street.

Instead, they surround themselves with young 補佐官s and ‘fellows’ (always said to be ‘incredibly 有望な’), and socialise with a new cadre of 最高の-豊富な, American-centred friends.

A question often asked の中で Mr Blair’s old friends from British politics is: ‘Have you seen Tony?’?

The answer is usually: ‘No.’?

One long-time friend and political 同僚 muses: ‘I’m certainly not as friendly with Tony Blair as I was 支援する in 1997.’

Two years out of office, Mr Blair manifests a new form of the detachment that had permitted his political career to 栄える.

In the past, he lightly 小衝突d off Old 労働; now he seems to be leaving Old Britain behind.

He even 認める he had considered relocating to the US but 支配するd it out because of
his son Leo’s schooling and because the UK is a better 中心 for 全世界の travel.

Much as Mr Blair has 避けるd 介入するing in British politics, he has remained 個人として in touch with Mr Brown.

They have spoken at least once a week by phone, and had two 直面する-to-直面する 会合s, in January and May this year. Mr Blair also sends 時折の letters or emails to his 後継者.

At the same time, Blairites have returned to prominence in the 労働 政府.

They were led by Peter Mandelson, Mr Brown’s shock 任命 as 国務長官 for 商売／仕事, 企業 and Regulatory 改革（する） in October 2008.

Harmoniously, the now Lord Mandelson was sitting in Blair’s London office in Grosvenor Square when the final 申し込む／申し出 （機の）カム through from Mr Brown.

By Lord Mandelson’s account, Mr Blair told him 受託するing the 職業 was ‘a no brainer’, as the Americans say.

Lord Mandelson, who has remained の近くに to Mr Blair, （人命などを）奪う，主張するd that the new 職業 （機の）カム as a surprise but in fact he and Mr Brown had been circling each other like Jack Lemmon and Walter Matthau in The 半端物 Couple ever since Mr Blair stood 負かす／撃墜する.

The 復古／返還 by Mr Brown of the man who has been his voodoo doll struck through with pins over a 14-year period 劇的な rebalanced his positioning within 労働.

The 改造（する） also 証言，証人／目撃するd the 昇進／宣伝 of another 井戸／弁護士席-known Brown sceptic, John Hutton, to Defence 長官.

Inside or outside the 閣僚, the likes of Tessa Jowell, another Blair confidante, John Reid and Hazel Blears all took heart.

非，不，無 of it helped 回復する 労働’s fortune, however. The Damian McBride Tory smear 列／漕ぐ／騒動 and the MPs’ expenses スキャンダル dogged the party’s （選挙などの）運動をする for the June 4 地元の 会議 and European 選挙s.

労働’s 記録，記録的な／記録する-breakingly appalling 業績／成果s in those 投票s in turn 誘発する／引き起こすd the most serious 脅し to Mr Brown’s continuing leadership of Britain.

Blairites ended up on …に反対するing 味方するs. James Purnell, Ms Blears and Lord Falconer all went on 記録，記録的な／記録する calling for the 退位させる／宣誓証言するing of Mr Brown. However, Ms Jowell and Shaun Woodward, marshalled by ‘First 長官’ Peter Mandelson, made up the 核心 group that kept Mr Brown in place.

Ms Jowell was dining with Lord Falconer when the shock news of Mr Purnell’s 辞職 （機の）カム through. She was minded to follow but was won over after phone calls from Mr Woodward and Lord Mandelson and the 申し込む／申し出 of a return to the 閣僚, which Mr Brown 確認するd the next day.

Mr Reid and Alan Milburn, two of the most anti-Brown MPs, stayed on the sidelines.

But a third, Stephen Byers, 新たにするd his 強襲，強姦 on Mr Brown over the 決定／判定勝ち（する） to raise the 最高の，を越す 率 of 所得税 to 50 per cent in the April 2009 予算.

Mr Byers pointed out that the 増加する broke a 重要な manifesto 誓約（する） not to raise 所得税.

Given that the change 影響する／感情d only those 収入 more than £150,000 a year ? about 350,000 people ? the 初期の 衝撃 of the 告示 was 穏やかな.

Lord Mandelson replied by arguing that the New 労働 ‘事業／計画（する）’ was now 20 years old and in need itself of modernisation.

However, there was little 疑問 that Mr Byers was closer to Mr Blair’s 私的な 見解（をとる） of the 2009 予算; it was 報告（する）／憶測d that he regarded the 税金 rise as a ‘terrible mistake’, something he would never have done.

Assuming he fulfils the 90-day 年次の British 住居 必要物／必要条件, Mr Blair stands to lose a lot 本人自身で from the 税金 増加する.

His personal 収入s in the first two years since leaving office are conservatively 概算の at more than £15million from the lecture and public 外見 回路・連盟, 商売／仕事 consultancies and 前進する 支払い（額）s for his memoirs.

It is, however, difficult to work out how his activities 本人自身で 濃厚にする him and his family because he evidently ploughs a lot 支援する into the Tony Blair 約束 創立／基礎 and the Tony Blair Sports 創立／基礎. He also continues to 行為／法令／行動する プロの／賛成の bono, 特に in his 外交の capacities in the Middle East and advising foreign 政府s.

Mr Blair, however, has certainly 始める，決める about moneymaking like a man in a hurry, or rather one who knows that his novelty value as a （衆議院の）議長 is finite. 平等に, he may have good
推論する／理由 not to put himself out for 雇う for ever, perhaps because of a 十分な-time return to public service.

His 目的（とする）s were to 安全な・保証する his 創立／基礎s financially ? no 平易な 仕事 given that staff numbers 急に上がるd to more than 80 ? and to look after his family, 含むing 支払う／賃金ing for their much joked-about 所有物／資産／財産 大臣の地位 (this year Mr Blair （人命などを）奪う，主張するd still to
be 支払う／賃金ing mortgages).

He has 発言／述べるd that he was lucky to 安全な・保証する his lucrative consultancy 契約s with JP Morgan Chase and Zurich when he did ? he realised they would not have been on 申し込む／申し出 after the 財政上の 衝突，墜落.

The days when Mrs Blair railed abo ut the 財政上の sacrifices 軍隊d on her family by her husband’s high office are now a fading memory.

To the 地位，任命する-力／強力にする Blairs, the 財政上の 関心s of those left behind in 政府 and 議会 are picayune.

Moreover, the public-私的な mix of lucrative personal 契約s and high-end 外交 and 創立／基礎 work affords Mr Blair the lifestyle of the 最高の-rich ? something to which he had never been shy of aspiring.

He has lost 負わせる, sports a 永久の tan and 主張するs on a personal gym wherever he goes.

His speeches on such topics as ‘The Leader as Nation 建設業者 in a Time of Globalisation’ and ‘The Leader as 原則d 交渉者’ have earned him a 評判 as ‘the best-paid （衆議院の）議長 in the world’.

For example, on a 36-hour, two-lecture trip to the Philippines, によれば the organiser, Manny Pangilinan, Mr Blair earned $200,000 (£120,000) 加える expenses for each 開会／開廷／会期.

He flew by 私的な jet and, as has become usual on his travels ? even on holidays ? fitted in 会合s with 地元の political leaders, in this 事例／患者 lunch with Gloria Arroyo, the Philippines 大統領.

To 安全な・保証する his long-称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 未来, Mr Blair 始める，決める up Tony Blair Associates, a 商売／仕事 modelled on Kissinger Associates, the long-running 会社／堅い 設立するd by Richard Nixon’s last 国務長官, Henry Kissinger.

Mr Blair 申し込む／申し出s a パネル盤 of 政府 and 商売／仕事 professionals, 含むing himself, to advise companies and 政府s ? all sold under the Blair brand and 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金d on a 事情に応じて変わる 規模 from プロの／賛成の bono to as much as decently possible.

Like the 創立／基礎s, Blair Associates will continue to operate even if he is 解任するd to public service.

S everal of his old team 拒絶する／低下するd to join the 商売／仕事, but his former 長，指導者 of Staff, Jonathan Powell, 調印するd up.

After last June’s 選挙s, memoirs, 含むing those of John Burton, Mr Blair’s スパイ／執行官 in his former 選挙区／有権者 of Sedgefield, 供給するd その上の 証拠 that the ex-総理大臣 was far from impressed by his 後継者.

In 私的な, Mr Blair commented to several friends that history showed Mr Brown to be a quitter, not a 闘士，戦闘機 (to 逆転する Peter Mandelson’s 2001 選挙-night description of himself).
In 1983, Mr Brown had arrived in 議会 at the same time as Mr Blair because he had 拒絶するd repeated 招待s to challenge an 現職の in a Scottish 選挙区／有権者.

In 1994, he ducked out of contesting the leadership with Mr Blair. In 2007, he and his 中尉／大尉／警部補s 開始する，打ち上げるd a 統治する of terror to make sure there was no leadership contest.

So, even before the 大臣の 辞職s of last June, Mr Blair and his circle wondered: could Mr Brown duck out again ? on sickness grounds, say, or to （問題を）取り上げる a big public 職業 どこかよそで ? to 避ける a 潜在的に ugly reckoning with the 投票者s?

にもかかわらず the rollercoaster of 憶測 on the leadership of the 労働 Party, Tony Blair is no longer a 候補者. However much the opinion 投票s and his fans might 勧める a 復帰, he has been there, done that.

Intriguingly, though, there is a growing prospect of a return to public leadership but this time as 大統領 Blair. Not 大統領 Blair of America ? the 事故 of having been born in Scotland makes that impossible.

Instead, the 職業 he has his 注目する，もくろむ on is that of 大統領 of the European 会議, the 提案するd new 永久の chairman of the 会合s of European Union 総理大臣s and 大統領s ? a two-and-a-half-year 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語, renewable once, up to a 最大限 of five years.

The 地位，任命する will become active only upon 批准 of the Lisbon 条約, which Mr Blair helped （手先の）技術.?

Twenty-six member 明言する／公表するs have 認可するd it, but last year the Irish 投票（する）d No in a 国民投票.

The Irish 政府 will 持つ／拘留する a second 国民投票 on October 2. This time the Yes （選挙などの）運動をする is 推定する／予想するd to 勝利，勝つ because the country’s にわか景気 has turned to 破産した／（警察が）手入れする and the Irish need all the help they can get from their European partners.

After Irish 是認, EU leaders would move 速く to 完全にする the 条約.

Interestingly, the only other 障害 to 批准 is the British 選挙（人）の cycle. Were Mr Brown to leave office 早期に, any 後継の 労働 leader would feel morally 強いるd to call a General 選挙 rather than wait until June 2010.

David Cameron has 誓約（する）d, if elected 総理大臣, to 持つ／拘留する an 即座の British 国民投票 on Lisbon 供給するd it has not been 批准するd by then ? a 投票（する） that No 選挙運動者s would seem 確かな to 勝利，勝つ.

This prospect casts an 利益／興味ing new 面 on Lord Mandelson’s 決定／判定勝ち（する） to 救助（する） Mr Brown.

Saving the PM’s 肌 is 明確に not all that Lord Mandelson, a lifelong member of the European Movement, had to play for.

By propping up Mr Brown, Lord Mandelson has 延期するd the 選挙 ? and やめる かもしれない 容易にするd the 批准 of the 条約.

This will doubtless endear him to EU leaders, who in turn might look all the more favourably on choosing Mr Blair as their 大統領.

The 大統領 will be chosen by a qualified 大多数 of the European 会議 ? the leaders of the 27 member 明言する／公表するs.

But will they really give Mr Blair their 支援?

Working for his 原因（となる） in the Brussels 官僚主義 is Baroness Ashton, the peer Mr Brown moved to Brussels to serve the 残りの人，物 of Lord Mandelson’s 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 as European Commissioner for 貿易（する） ? along with the 大統領 of the （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限, J os? Manuel Barroso, who 借りがあるs his 職業 to Mr Blair’s patronage.

Out of 力／強力にする, Mr Blair has kept up an intimate friendship with the tricky French 大統領 Nicolas Sarkozy and 追加するd himself to Carla Bruni’s long 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of admirers.

Italy’s Silvio Berlusconi is another long-time Blair fan.

Germany’s Angela Merkel is more reticent, in spite of 存在 a 的 of Mr Blair’s charm even before she （機の）カム into office.

But her chances of 存在 re-elected as German （ドイツなどの）首相／（大学の）学長 at the 国家の 選挙 on September 27 rose after the European 選挙, （判決などを）下すing it いっそう少なく likely she would 捜し出す the European 大統領／総裁などの地位 for herself as a なぐさみ prize.

Also, Mr Sarkozy doesn’t fancy her.

Mr Blair 正式に 示すd to Mr Brown 早期に this year that he 手配中の，お尋ね者 the 職業 and Mr Brown gave ‘his 支援’. Mr Cameron 推定する／予想するd to be 協議するd, too, but he is a Blair fan on most things, if not Europe.

From his vantage point as a new boy at the 会議 （米）棚上げする／（英）提議する, Mr Blair could look like the lesser of many 可能性のある evils.

Thanks to globalisation, so often a 主題 for Mr Blair’s 会談, his international celebrity is ますます attractive to the EU.

More than 30 years ago, Henry Kissinger asked: ‘Who do I call when I want to speak to Europe?’ What sounded bumptious then is now a reality. Tony Blair could speak for Europe and the 残り／休憩（する） of the world would listen.

His political second coming is in sight. But perhaps the question should be turned 一連の会議、交渉／完成する. Is he ready to be a 政治家，政治屋 again?

To listen, not lecture? To be accountable, not 祝日，祝うd? To 努力する／競う rather than 主張する? To serve the public rather than 追求する money? To place politics above 宗教?

Or has he become 簡単に a 信奉者, in God and himself?

• Tony’s Ten Years by Adam Boulton is published by Pocket 調書をとる／予約するs on October 1 at £8.99. To order your copy at £8.99, with 解放する／自由な p&a mp;p, call The Review Bookstore on 0845 155 0713.