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For 30 years 上級の Tory BILL CASH has been derided for tirelessly 警告 the EU was a corrupt superstate 支配するd by Germany. As events 証明する him 権利, this is his 事例／患者 against the Brussels behemoth

Published: 02:00 BST, 11 June 2016 | Updated: 12:17 BST, 11 June 2016

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For more than three １０年間s, SIR BILL CASH, a 上級の Tory MP has 警告するd ― with magnificent indefatigability ― of the dangers of the European 事業／計画（する）. For his 苦痛s, he has too often been belittled as a deluded Eurosceptic.?But in the past two １０年間s, much of what he has 警告するd about has come all too true. Read this 抽出する from his new 調書をとる／予約する and see if you agree with him . . .

The British people are 直面するing their biggest democratic 決定／判定勝ち（する） for 世代s. The coming 国民投票 compares to other 広大な／多数の／重要な watersheds in British history: from the Civil War and the 復古／返還, to the 1867 改革（する）行為／法令／行動する and the 開発 of our modern 議会の僕主主義.

The 問題／発行する of Irish home 支配する, World War I, then appeasement and World War II 支配するd the first half of the 20th century. The 進化 of an 統合するd Europe followed, 主要な to our joining the European 経済的な Community (欧州共同体) in 1973.

For more than three １０年間s, SIR BILL CASH, a 上級の Tory MP has 警告するd ― with magnificent indefatigability ― of the dangers of the European 事業／計画（する）

These are the historic 目印s against which this 国民投票 takes place. But what is at the heart of the 問題／発行する is simple: who 治める／統治するs us, and how, just as it was with these previous 目印s.

On our 僕主主義, all else depends.

The 審議 so far has failed to take proper account of the 軍隊s that have 影響（力）d our 旅行 since the Forties: from within the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs and Europe, and from Germany in particular, which under the cover of the European Union is now 追求するing a 政策 of assertive 経済的な国家主義.

The consequences for us have been 厳しい. We have lost 支配（する）／統制する of our 国境s. 職業s have been taken away from the working class. Food prices have been driven up. And our 商売／仕事s are 存在 choked by EU red tape ― 105,000 pages of 規則s that companies ignore at their 危険，危なくする.

The European Union itself is riddled with 詐欺, and is anti-democratic to its very 創立／基礎s. Our own 僕主主義 is 減らすd by it. If we do not leave, where will it all end?

We already know: in ever-closer union, with a superstate 支配するd by Germany.

For his 苦痛s, Sir 法案 (pictured) has too often been belittled as a deluded Eurosceptic. But in the past two １０年間s, much of what he has 警告するd about has come all too true

GERMANY’S DOMINANCE

Since the end of World War II, Britain’s leaders (except for Margaret Thatcher) have 終始一貫して acquiesced in ― even appeased ― Germany’s 追求（する），探索（する） for European 統合，差別撤廃.

In 1988, before German 再統一, I wrote a memorandum to Thatcher 警告 her of the dangers of ‘creeping federalism’ to Britain and of West Germany’s growing 願望（する） to 達成する永久の pre-eminence in the 欧州共同体.

いっそう少なく than two months later, she 配達するd her Bruges speech against ‘a European 最高の-明言する／公表する演習ing a new dominance from Brussels’.

The ‘German Europe’ I have 警告するd about for more than 30 years now 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるs.

In 1988, before German 再統一, Sir 法案 wrote a memorandum to Thatcher 警告 her of the dangers of ‘creeping federalism’ to Britain and of West Germany’s growing 願望（する） to 達成する永久の pre-eminence in the 欧州共同体

Before the 調印 of the Maastricht 条約 on February 7, 1992, John Major asked me what I would do if I were in his 状況／情勢.

‘You will have to 拒否権 the 条約,’ I said.

‘Why?’ asked Major.

I replied: ‘It will be a German Europe. Just look at what’s going on in relation to 利益／興味率s and who is setting them.’

‘井戸／弁護士席 if that’s the 事例／患者,’ Major said, ‘I will have to enter into an 同盟 with the French.’ The conversation went no その上の ― nor did any 同盟 with the French.

My 関心s about Germany’s political dominance have been matched by my 関心s about a 連邦の Europe 設立するd on 経済的な and 通貨の union.

In my 1991 調書をとる／予約する Against A 連邦の Europe, published at the time of the Maastricht rebellio n の中で保守的な MPs, I 予報するd this German-created ‘European 政府’ would 最高潮に達する in 抗議するs and 暴動s on the continent, 大規模な失業 and waves of 移民／移住 from Central and Eastern Europe.

In 1993, I wrote that there would be ‘大規模な political and 商業の不安定 throughout Europe’ ― and that it would be ‘構内／化合物d by waves of 移民／移住 . . . 後退，不況 and lawlessness’.

In the 中央の-Nineties, former West German （ドイツなどの）首相／（大学の）学長 Helmut Schmidt asked to see me in the Hamburg office of the newspaper Die Zeit, of which he was a publisher. He told me he had read the 一時期／支部 in my 調書をとる／予約するする権利を与えるd A European Germany And A German Europe. He said I was 権利.

He 追加するd that my group of friends in the House of ありふれたs and さもなければ were ‘the only ones, apart from Russia [from where he had just returned] who are not afraid of Germany’.

He 示唆するd ours was an admirable stand but that it would not work. He regretted ‘the 出現 of German predominance’.

Germany’s strength, as I 予報するd then, has now been 増強するd by saturating Eastern, Central and Mediterranean Europe with its 輸出（する）s.

We in the 部隊d Kingdom, although outside the eurozone, are profoundly 影響する／感情d by 存在 within the 枠組み of the EU as a whole, both 政治上 and economically.

We have been relegated into the second tier of a two-tier Europe 支配するd by Germany.

This is 正確に what the British 政府 sought to 避ける in the 戦後の解決／入植地, but is now becoming a reality.

SEX IN STRASBOURG, FIDDLES AND FRAUD

How many people are on the EU payroll? You’d think it would be 平易な to find out ― after all, we’re all 支払う／賃金ing for them through our 税金s.

But no ― the EU doesn’t think that the public is する権利を与えるd to this （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状）.

The most 広範囲にわたって受託するd 見積（る） is that it 直接／まっすぐに雇うs 85,000 people. This is about the same as the entire British Army ― though EU perks would make our 兵士s more than わずかに envious.

Let’s start with the 公式の／役人s. At one time, those who went on 正規の／正選手 trips got their own MasterCard with a 覚え書き知らせるing them ‘this card is 全く解放する／自由な and may also be used for 私的な目的s’.

That meant any cash 撤退s outside the EU ― to a 最大限 of ?5,000 (￡3,930) a month ― were paid for by the European 議会. Not bad, 特に as they didn’t have to account for what they were spending the money on.

What about Members of the European 議会? They now get a salary of around ￡77,700.

However, those who have been in the European 議会 since before 2009 can still use the old 支払い（額）s system, whereby their basic salaries are 直す／買収する，八百長をするd at the level of MPs in their home country ― so a British MEP would take home ￡74,962, while an Italian (the best paid) would get more than ￡127,000.

What gives the 職業 its real appea l though is its amazing expenses, as MEPs can （人命などを）奪う，主張する￡48,721 a year as a ‘subsistence allowance’.

And, no, they don’t have to 供給する any 領収書s and, yes, it’s all 税金-解放する／自由な. British MEPs have 愛称d this perk SOSO: 調印する On and Sod Off.

MEPs and civil servants are also some of the best （弁護士の）依頼人s of the Eastern European 売春婦s who make it to Strasbourg. They tend to live in the German half of the city, where 売春 is 合法的な (unlike the French 味方する).

So 普及した is the use of 売春婦s that a group of Northern European MEPs tried to stop some of the most obvious 乱用s.

They put 今後 a 提案 that EU staff should stay only at hotels that don’t 許す売春. Not 特に contentious, you may think ― but they didn’t 後継する.

In 2008, an 公式の／役人報告（する）／憶測暴露するd ‘普及した乱用’ of the EU allowance system for MEPs’ assistants.

議会の当局 sought to 妨げる taxpayers 存在許すd to see the 報告（する）／憶測.

It was duly deposited in a room 保護するd by biometric locks and 安全 guards.

独立した・無所属熟考する／考慮するs （人命などを）奪う，主張する EU 詐欺 is now sucking up at least 10 per cent of its 年次の予算.

Petty 詐欺 in the offices of 上級の職員／兵員 is rife.

Car 賃貸しの手続きs are routinely 乱用d. Building 契約s have been awarded to 親族s of 上級の公式の／役人s.

As for whistle-blowers, they’ve been （刑事）被告 of 存在 mentally ill ― an old Soviet trick.

‘DEMOCRACY’ IN ACTION

NON-EXISTENT COWS - AND SUBSIDISED GOLD COURSES?

The EU spends the largest 割合 of our money on farming ― ￡50 billion. And this is rising by 1 billion Euros a year.

The ありふれた農業の政策 (CAP) gives 農業者s and landowners a direct 補助金 for their land and 刈るs, 同様に as setting 最小限 prices for European produce.

Importantly for us, it also 課すs strict 輸入する関税s and 割当s on any produce from the 残り／休憩（する） of the world.

And that, of course, is against British 利益／興味s because of our 関係 with the 連邦／共和国. We knew this before we joined the ありふれた Market ― and it 証明するd a sticking point.

At the time, however, we were 保証するd that 連邦／共和国貿易（する） would not be 害（を与える）d.

It was a 誤った約束. In 2010, for instance, butter from New Zealand was 攻撃する，衝突する with a ￡25 million EU 輸入する税金 ― putting up the price of every 続けざまに猛撃する bought at the checkout by 25p.

And that’s not all. EU 制限s on world 貿易（する） have 追加するd ￡5 billion to what Britain spends each year on food.

For a two-child family, that means an extra ￡398.

追加する to that what we have to 支払う／賃金 the EU 特に for the CAP, and the total 法案 to Britain is over ￡10 billion every year.

Can we be sure that the 広大な sums we 支払う／賃金 will go to the 権利 places? Unfortunately not. To take just a few examples:

In Italy, more than one in five subsidised special beef cows didn’t 存在する.
In Slovenia, half of subsidised suckler cows were also fictional.
In Germany, cash to help 農業者s buy seasonal 器具／備品 ended up 存在 used to build waste 治療工場／植物s, roads, sports 施設s, landscape 商売／仕事s and ゴルフ courses.
In Spain, 3 million Euros (￡2.4 million) was supposed to go on things like irrigation and 温室s. Instead, 98 per cent of it was spent on cardboard boxes.

The cap even 影響する／感情s animal 福利事業. Rather than 捜し出すing to 改善する it, the EU 申し込む／申し出s large 財政上の incentives to 殴打／砲列 farms.

EU countries with poor 福利事業基準s have the advantage. So 輸入するs of pork from Denmark, for instance, easily undercut our more humanely 後部d British pork.

It’s hard to imagine a worse system. Riddled with 詐欺, it stops us buying cheaper food from どこかよそで and encourages factory farming, while swelling the coffers of all of the biggest 農業者s.

宣伝

Unlike our own 僕主主義, the EU thrashes out the 広大な大多数 of its 決定／判定勝ち（する）s in 隠しだてする委員会s that are の近くにd to the public.

No minutes are taken. And by the time a 動議 reaches the 議会の議会, it’s often a done 取引，協定.

The truth is that there’s hardly any 審議の中で the MEPs ― not surprising as each of them must 適用する for a speaking slot in 前進する and will usually be 認めるd only a minute on their feet. Every four weeks, the 議会会合，会うs in Strasbourg for a 月毎の投票（する）ing frenzy that usually 量s to little more than rubber-stamping.

There, MEPs いつかs spend entire days 圧力（をかける）ing YES/NO/ABSTAIN buttons every few seconds. How do they decide? Their party leaders sit at the 前線, 教えるing them how to 投票（する） with a thumb-up or thumb-負かす／撃墜する動議.

SO 世界保健機構 ARE THEY?

The European （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限: the most powerful 団体／死体 in Europe. Consists of 28 unelected people ― one from each country ― who 会合，会う in secret to decide on EU 政策s. No one takes minutes.
The 会議 of 大臣s: 会合，会うs in secret and 投票（する）s on EU 法律制定. Who sits on it depends on what 政策 is 存在 discussed.

In practice, before the 投票（する）ing 行う／開催する／段階 members have usually already decided の中で themselves how to 投票（する）. Britain has only 8.4 per cent of the 投票（する）s.

A 最近の報告（する）／憶測 from the UK’s European Scrutiny 委員会最高潮の場面d the 欠如（する） of transparency in the 決定／判定勝ち（する）-making 過程.

The 概略で 55 per cent of our 法律s made through the EU are frequently decided by 公式の／役人s and nodded through by 大臣s.

The European 議会: 751 MEPs, of which 73 are British. Unlike our own MPs, they can’t 草案法律s ― only the （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 can do that. The 議会 can いつかs 延期する or 封鎖する法律制定. Often, however, it’s 簡単に ignored by the （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限.
The 法廷，裁判所 of Auditors: the 公式の／役人 EU-基金d 団体／死体 that 監視するs how EU money is spent. 意味ありげに, it has failed to give a clean 法案 of health for almost all the EU’s accounts for the past two １０年間s.
The European 法廷，裁判所 of 司法（官）: its judgments are binding and there’s no 権利 of 控訴，上告. Any member 明言する／公表する or 会・原則 can be taken before the 法廷，裁判所 for breaking any of the EU’s 30,000-加える法律s.

HOW AMERICA BULLIED US...

The end of World War II brought the 同盟（する）s victory over Germany but did not bring 安全. The 影をつくる／尾行する of the Soviet Union and the 脅し of 共産主義ぼんやり現れるd large over the continent.

It was at this moment that a sense of community began to arise in Western Europe.

No one was more supportive of this than Winston Churchill. He saw a 部隊d Europe as one of ‘four 中心存在s’ 必須の for world peace ― と一緒に the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs, the Soviet Union and the British Empire and 連邦／共和国.

But as he told his 選挙区／有権者 chairman in 1947, he ‘would never 熟視する／熟考する the diminution of the 連邦／共和国’, 追加するing: ‘Nor do we ーするつもりである to be 合併するd into a 連邦の European System.’

In the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs that same year, 議会 passed a 決意／決議 ‘for the 創造 of a 部隊d 明言する／公表するs of Europe’.

一方／合間 the French 外務大臣, Robert Schuman, was 準備するing a 計画（する） of his own, 完全に in secret and without 協議 with London.

The European 議会 (pictured) has 751 MEPs, of which 73 are British. Unlike our own MPs, they can’t 草案法律s ― only the （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 can do that. The 議会 can いつかs 延期する or 封鎖する法律制定. Often, however, it’s s 暗示する ignored by the （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限

The Schuman 計画（する）提案するd total European 統合，差別撤廃 ― political, 経済的な and 軍の.

At the same time, America began 内密に供給するing millions of dollars to the European Movement, an international 団体／死体 in favour of 統合，差別撤廃 whose chairman was Winston Churchill’s son-in-法律, Duncan Sandys.

In 1948, a small group of 上級の American 知能人物／姿／数字s organised a 調整 centre 指名するd the American 委員会 on 部隊d Europe (ACUE).

Its main 目的 was to 基金 groups working for European まとまり ― and its 基金ing （機の）カム from the 中央情報局. The European Movement was a 主要な受益者 of its generosity.

In the 早期に行う／開催する／段階s, 支配（する）／統制する over this money was given to Sandys. But by July 1950 he had become disillusioned and abandoned the leadership and the movement. A secret 報告（する）／憶測 sent to the 中央情報局 by ACUE’s (n)役員／(a)執行力のある director Thomas Braden explained that they had managed to keep ‘the whole fracas from reaching the public.’

Given that Sandys would have been working closely with his father-in-法律, this 暗示するs that, の直前に Churchill became 総理大臣 for the second time, the U.S. was working 内密に to 土台を崩す his wishes for the 未来 of Europe.

When, in June 1950, Britain 辞退するd to have any トラックで運ぶ with the Schuman 計画（する）, America’s 返答 was to 脅す to 身を引く its 経済的な援助（する）.

A 失望させるd Harold Macmillan, who became 総理大臣 in 1957, realised he was caught ‘between a 敵意を持った (or いっそう少なく and いっそう少なく friend ly) America and a boastful, powerful “Empire of Charlemagne” ― now under French but later bound to come under German 支配（する）／統制する’. It was, he confided to his diary, ‘a grim choice’.

But in February 1960 大統領 Eisenhower helped make his mind up, 警告 Macmillan that the Special 関係 would 拒絶する／低下する if London did not 調印する up to the European 経済的な Community. Finally, Macmillan 洞穴d in.

By the end of that year he had decided Britain must 適用する to join ― even though to do so was 完全に against public opinion.

HOW OUR CASH WAS WASTED ON 'FLYING GORILLA' DANCERS?

￡116 million to 青年 in 活動／戦闘 ― a programme created to ‘foster the idea of belonging to the EU’.

￡900,000 to the European 研究室／実験室 for Hip Hop Dance to 改善する the 都市の dance style’s ‘承認 and visibility’ and encourage ‘connectivity between hip-hop artists’.

￡143,000 to TRANS-使節団, a 事業／計画（する）目的（とする）ing to ‘改善する援助 to the 同時代の circus 部門’.

￡180,000 to the 事業／計画（する） of Generosity, whose 使節団 is to ‘spread the movement of reaching out and 株ing’.

￡162,000 to the 飛行機で行くing Gorillas dance group, originators of ‘ the brilliant smelly foot dance’.

￡410,000 for teaching 十代の少年少女s in Burkina Faso ‘治療力のある dance’ ― on the grounds that Africans find ‘表現 of feelings through the spoken word is often difficult and 複雑にするd’.

￡2.6 million on a 事業／計画（する） to 促進する the eating of insects.

宣伝

...AND THE FRENCH DECEIVED US

In 1961, Britain finally 適用するd to become a member of the 欧州共同体.

However, Charles de Gaulle ― Churchill’s old 同盟（する）, who was now 大統領，／社長 of フラン ― was against British 入ること／参加（者）.

He put 障害 after 障害 in Britain’s path. At a 決定的な行う／開催する／段階 in the 交渉s the French suddenly produced, without 警告, a 提案 for a new 徴収する on 輸入する関税s.

This meant Britain, whose 地理学 would make it by far the biggest food importer, would see its 予算出資／貢献 rise hugely, with no refunds 許すd.

Macmillan and de Gaulle met at the end of that year, but de Gaulle was intransigent. The 首相 left, almost in 涙／ほころびs, wondering how on earth he was going to get us into Europe.

Winston Churchill saw a 部隊d Europe as one of ‘four 中心存在s’ 必須の for world peace ― と一緒に the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs, the Soviet Union and the British Empire and 連邦／共和国

によれば de Gaulle’s director of Europe, who was 現在の, the 大統領，／社長 had hinted during the 会合 about one thing that might change his 態度 to British 入ること／参加（者）: the 申し込む／申し出 of 核の武器s.

This sly suggestion doesn’t 現実に appear in the French transcript of the discussion, for one simple 推論する／理由: de Gaulle asked for it to be 削減（する） out.

Macmillan himself 単に said in his memoirs that he’d later had a 肉親，親類d of brainwave, 解任するing that de Gaulle had once said フラン needed 核の武器s ーするために高める its prestige.

確信して that he’d at last 設立する the 重要な to 入ること／参加（者）, Macmillan 説得するd 大統領 John F. Kennedy to 供給（する） Polaris ミサイルs ― not just to Britain but also to フラン. Surely that would do it . . .

Indeed it would, said the French 外務大臣, Maurice Couve de Murville, who 約束d Macmillan there would be no 拒否権 on our 会員の地位.

Three days later, however, de Gaulle said ‘非，不，無’.

He’d tricked us into getting フラン the 爆弾, and then slammed the door in our 直面するs.

As Macmillan wrote in his diary: ‘French duplicity has 敗北・負かすd us all.’

Our second 試みる／企てる to join the 欧州共同体 ― in 1967 ― also ended ignominiously, with another resounding ‘非，不，無’ from de Gaulle.

We finally became a member on January 1, 1973.

Sir 法案 Cash is 寄付するing his 料金 for this article to Help For Heroes. Adapted from From Brussels With Love, co-authored by Sir William Cash, published by Duckworth, 定価つきの￡20. The 申し込む／申し出 price is ￡14.99 (25% 割引) until June 18, 2016. Order at mailbookshop.co.uk or call 0844 571 0640; p&p is 解放する／自由な on orders over ￡15.