Don't 帳消しにする Mr Brown yet

Last updated at 23:26 30 December 2007

Cast your mind 支援する six months to when the Blair 政府 was in its death 動揺させる.

The casual 汚職 of the cash for honours スキャンダル was unravelling, the 移民／移住 system 崩壊（する）ing, the NHS which had squandered billions was again in 負債, and the Iraq 使節団 on the brink of humiliating 退却／保養地.

広大な／多数の／重要な lumps of mud were finally sticking to 'Teflon' Tony's 手渡すs.

The public was heartily sick of his synthetic smile, his messianic but meaningless rhetoric and the mendacity of his spin machine.

Enter Mr Brown. His imperative was to distance himself from the spin, sleaze and 失望 and 静かに強調 his own 質s - strong leadership, 正直さ, 知能, 経済的な competence.

And it worked. Mr Brown swept 反対者のない into No 10 負かす／撃墜するing Street in June, on a wave of public 好意／親善.

In his first days in office there was a major テロリスト attack, a foot-and-mouth 突発／発生 and terrible flooding. Brown 扱うd all three crises confidently - 主要な from the 前線 - and his 人気急に上がるd.

By October the talk was of a snap 選挙. With the public attracted to but uncertain about David Cameron, Mr Brown would surely have won.

But he ducked it - a 決定／判定勝ち（する） which may 証明する to be one of the biggest miscalculations of 地位，任命する-War British politics.

In quick succession, the Northern 激しく揺する危機, the loss of child 利益レコードs with the personal 詳細（に述べる）s of millions, and the Abrahams party 寄付s スキャンダル配達するd 破滅的な blows.

非，不，無 of these 災害s was of his making. Northern 激しく揺する was the 犠牲者 of its own board's recklessness, and the greed and 無資格／無能力 of Western banks' 関与 with sub-prime 貸付金s.

The child 利益 debacle was the fault of 公式の／役人s and the Abrahams 寄付s had been 許可／制裁d by Blair cronies without the knowledge of Mr Brown, who had, to his credit, brought in new 法律s on party 基金ing.

And here we come to a bitter irony. By speaking 率直に about these 事柄s, and 欠如（する）ing Blair's charismatic insouciance, he appeared 極端に防御の and attracted the 非難する that belonged to others - not least the ex-首相.

Where Mr Blair would have dodged and sidestepped trouble, Mr Brown had an almost masochistic appetite for it. But the PM would do 井戸／弁護士席 to remember that the Westminster village is 現在／一般に in a 明言する／公表する of febrile volatility, where everything is seen in apocalyptic 条件.

To 令状 Brown off at this 行う／開催する／段階 is simplistic. He has two years, in which anything could happen, to reconnect with the 投票者s.

The 対策 laid out in the Queen's Speech show he has a 見通し for Britain. He must now find the language to 現在の that 見通し.

He must raise 基準s in the public services rather than 簡単に throwing more money at them. For Mr Brown, the centralising statist, this will be an awesome challenge.

With the economy darkening, he must 回復する his 評判 for prudence. Presentationally, he should realise that a simple idea, like 改革（する）ing the 不公平な相続物件税金 system, will do him more good in the 投票s than 罰金 words about social 責任／義務.

Middle England is ますます angry over the way stealth 税金s and 悪化するing 年金s have eroded 基準s of living. Mr Brown can attract 投票（する）s by 演説（する）／住所ing these 関心s.

More than anything, he needs people of proven 実体 around him who can help articulate his 政策 ideas, not just a tiny coterie of adherents whose judgment has been 設立する to be 猛烈に wanting.

He must also learn to take the vagaries of politics in his stride, not bleed so 公然と and should 受託する when a 原因（となる） is lost - such as the 拡張 of テロリスト拘留，拘置 beyond 28 days, which he should now 棚上げにする.

Britain needs a resolute leader in these uncertain times. Mr Brown has 証明するd himse lf to be a strong （ドイツなどの）首相／（大学の）学長. He now has two years to 証明する he can be a strong 総理大臣.